Clearchus, the Spartan, and Meno, were enemies – Clearchus was the actual leader of the Greek army, Meno wanted to oust him so as to become the leader himself. Xenophon says about Clearchus:
‘Clearchus,
by common consent of all who were personally acquainted with him (Kle/arxoj o9mologoume/nwj
e0k pa/ntwn tw~n e0mpei/rwj au0tou= e0xo/ntwn), seemed to have shown himself a man who was both
fitted for the war (do/caj gene/sqai a0nh\r kai\ polemiko/j) and fond of war to the last degree
(kai\
filopo/lemoj e0sxa/twj).
For, in the first place (kai\ ga\r dh/), as long as the Lacedaemonians were at war with the
Athenians (e3wj me\n po/lemoj h]n toi=j Lakedaimoni/oij pro\j tou\j A0qhnai/ouj), he bore his part with them (pare/menen); then, as soon as the peace had
come (e0peidh\
de\ ei0rh/nh e0ge/neto),
he persuaded his state (pei/saj th\n au9tou= po/lin) that the Thracians were injuring the Greeks (w(j oi9 Qra=|kej a0dikou=si
tou\j E@llhnaj), [i.e. the
Greek colonists in the Thracian Chersonese], and after gaining his point as best
he could from the ephors (kai\ diapraca/menoj w(j e0du/nato para\ tw~n e0fo/rwn) [the ephors, five in number, were
the ruling officials in Sparta] set sail with the intention of making war (e0ce/plei w(j
polemh/swn) upon the
Thracians who dwelt beyond the Chersonese (toi=j u9pe\r Xerronh/sou Qra|ci/n). When, however (e0pei\ de/), the ephors changed their minds for
some reason or other (metagno/ntej pwj oi9 e1foroi), after he already had gone (h1dh e1cw o1ntoj), tried to turn him back from the
Isthmus of Corinth (a0postre/fein au0to\n e0peirw~nto e0c I0sqmou=), at that point he declined to
render further obedience (e0ntau=qa ou0ke/ti pei/qetai), but went sailing off (a0ll’ w!|xeto ple/wn) to the Hellespont (ei0j E(llh/sponton). As a result (e0k tou/tou), he was condemned to death (e0qanatw/qh) by the authorities at Sparta (u9po\ tw~n e0n
Spa/rth| telw~n) on the
ground of disobedience to orders (w(j a0peiqw~n). Being now an exile (h1dh de\ fuga\j w@n), he came to Cyrus (e1rxetai pro\j Ku=ron), and the arguments whereby he
persuaded Cyrus are recorded elsewhere (kai\ o9poi/oij me\n lo/goij e1peise
Ku=ron a1llh| ge/graptai);
at any rate, Cyrus gave him ten thousand darics (di/dwsi de\ au0tw~| Ku~roj
muri/ouj dareikou/j),
and he, upon receiving this money (o9 de\ labw/n), did not turn his thoughts to comfortable
idleness (ou0k e0pi\ ra=|qumi/an e0tra/peto), but used it to collect an army and proceeded to make war
upon the Thracians (a0ll’ a0po\ tou/twn tw~n xrhma/twn sulle/caj
stra/teuma e0pole/mei toi=j Qra|ci/). He defeated them in battle (kai\ ma/xh| te e0ni/khse) and from that time on (kai\ a0po\ tou/tou
dh/) plundered them in every
way (e1fere
kai\ h]ge tou/touj), and
he kept up the war (kai\ polemw~n diege/neto) until Cyrus wanted his army (me/xri Ku=roj
e0deh/qh tou= strateu/matoj); then he returned (to/te de\ a0ph/lqen), still for the purpose of making the war, this time
in company with Cyrus (w(j cu\n e0kei/nw| au] polemh/swn).
Concerning
Xenophon’s remark ‘Being now an exile he came to Cyrus, and the arguments
whereby he persuaded Cyrus are recorded elsewhere’ the translator says that
these words are not recorded in the Anabasis or in any of Xenophon’s
other works: ‘Perhaps the author was writing under the impression that he had
stated these arguments in I.i.9.’
In I.i.9 Xenophon says: ‘Still
another army was being collected for Cyrus in the Chersonese (a1llo de\ stra/teuma au0tw~| sunele/geto
e0n Xerronh/sw|), in the following manner
(to/nde to\n tro/pon): Clearchus was a Lacedaemonian exile (Kle/arxoj Lakedaimo/nioj fuga\j
h]n); Cyrus, making his acquaintance (tou/tw| suggeno/menoj o9 Ku=roj), came to admire him (h0ga/sqh te au0to/n), and gave him ten thousand darics (kai\ di/dwsi au0tw~| muri/ouj dareikou/j). And Clearchus, taking the gold (o9 de\ labw\n to\ xrusi/on), collected an army by means of this money (stra/teuma sune/lecen a0po\
tou/twn tw~n xrhma/twn), and using Chersonese
as a basis for operations, proceeded to make war upon the Thracians who dwell beyond
the Hellespont (kai\
e0pole/mei e0k Xerronh/sou o9rmw/menoj toi=j Qra|ci/ toi=ju9pe\r E(llh/sponton
oi0kou=si), thereby aiding the Greeks (kai\ w)fe/lei tou\j E#llhnaj). Consequently,
the Hellespontic cities of their own free will sent Clearchus contributions of
money for the support of his troops (w#ste kai\ xrh/mata suneba/llonto au0tw~| ei0j th\n trofh\n tw~n stratiwtw~n ai9 E(llhspontikai\ po/leij
e9kou=sai). So it was that this army also
was being secretly maintained for Cyrus (tou=to d’
au] ou3tw trefo/menon e0la/nqanen au0tw~| to\ stra/teuma).
In my
preceding entry, what Xenophon said about Meno were things of common knowledge.
Now I shall put down his opinions about
him, which he presents as a0fanh=, in contrast to the facts that everybody knows (a4 pa/ntej i1sasi); he himself says that since these
opinions of his are a0fanh=, they can be mistaken about him (e1cesti peri\ au0tou= yeu/desqai, II.vi. 28).
‘Menon the
Thessalian was manifestly eager for enormous wealth (Me/nwn de\ o9
Qettalo\j dh=loj h]n e0piqumw~n me\n ploutei=n i0sxurw~j) – eager for command in order to get
more wealth (e0piqumw~n de\ a1rxein, o3pwj plei/w lamba/noi) and eager for honour in order to
increase his gains (e0piqumw~n de\ tima=sqai, i3na plei/w kerdai/noi); and he desired to be a friend to
the men who possessed greatest power (fi/loj te e0bou/leto ei]nai toi=j me/gista
duname/noij) in order
that he might commit unjust deeds without suffering the penalty (i3na a0dikw~n mh\
didoi/h di/khn). Again, for
the accomplishment of the objects upon which his heart was set (e0pi\ to\
katerga/zesqai w{n e0piqumoi/h), he imagined that the shortest route was by way of perjury (suntomwta/thn
w!|eto o9do\n ei]nai dia\ tou= e0piorkei=n te) and falsehood (kai\ yeu/desqai) and deception (kai\ e0capata=n), while he counted
straightforwardness and truth the same thing as folly (to\ d’ a9plou=n kai\
to\ a0lhqe\j to\ au0to\ tw~| h0liqi/w| ei]nai). Affection he clearly felt for nobody (ste/rgwn de\
fanero\j me\n h]n ou0de/na), and if he said that he was a friend to anyone (o3tw| de\ fai/h
fi/loj ei]nai), it would
become plain that this man was the man he was plotting against (tou/tw| e1ndhloj e0gi/gneto e0pibouleu/wn). He would never ridicule an enemy (kai\ polemi/ou
de\ ou0deno\j katege/la),
but he always gave the impression in conversation of ridiculing all his
associates (tw~n de\ suno/ntwn pa/ntwn w(j katagelw~n a0ei\ diele/geto). Neither would he devise schemes
against his enemies’ property (kai\ toi=j me\n tw~n polemi/wn kth/masin ou0k e0pebou/leue), for he
saw difficulty in getting hold of possessions of people who were in their guard
(xalepo\n
ga\r w}|eto ei]nai ta\ tw~n fulattome/nwn lamba/nein); but he thought he was the only one
who knew that it was easiest to get hold of property of friends – just because
it was unguarded (ta\ de\ tw~n fi/lwn mo/noj w}|eto ei0de/nai r9a=|ston o2n
a0fu/lakta lamba/nein); wrongdoers
(kai\
a0di/kouj) he would
fear, regarding them as well armed (w(j eu] w(plisme/nouj e0fobei=to), while those who were pious (toi=j de\ o9si/oij) and practised truth (kai\ a0lh/qeian
a0skou=si) he would try
to make use of, regarding them as weaklings (w(j a0na/ndroij e0peira=to
xrh=sqai). And just as a
man prides himself upon piety, truthfulness and justice (w#sper de/ tij
a0ga/lletai e0pi\ qeosebei/a| kai\ a0lhqei/a| kai\ dikaio/thti), so Menon prided himself upon
ability to deceive (Me/nwn h0ga/lleto tw~| e0capata=n du/nasqai), the fabrication of lies (tw~| pla/sasqai
yeu/dh), and the mocking
of friends (tw~| fi/louj diagela=n); but the man who was not a rascal he always thought of as belonging to
the uneducated (to\n de\ mh\ panou=rgon tw~n a0paideu/twn a0ei\ e0no/mizen
ei]nai). Again, if he were
attempting to be first in the friendship of anybody (kai\ par’ oi[j me\n
e0pexei/rei prwteu/ein fili/a|) he thought that slandering those who were already first was the proper
way of getting this end (diaba/llwn tou\j prw&touj tou=to w!|eto dei=n kth/sasqai). As for making his soldiers obedient
(to\
de\ peiqome/nouj tou\j stratiw&taj pare/xesqai), he managed that by bearing a share
in their wrongdoing (e0k tou= sunadikei=n au0toi=j e0mhxana=to). He expected, indeed, to get honour
and attention by showing (tima=sqai de\ kai\ qerapeu/esqai h0ci/ou
e0pideiknu/menoj) that
he had the ability and would have the readiness to do the most wrongs (o3ti plei=sta du/naito
kai\ e0qe/loi a2n a0dikei=n); and he set it down as a kindness (eu0ergesi/an de\ kate/legen), whenever anyone broke off with him
(o9po/te
tij au0tou= a0fi/staito),
that he had not, while still on terms with such a one, destroyed him (o3ti xrw&menoj
au0tw~| ou0k a0pw&lesen au0to/n).’
PS
Liddell
&Scott in their Greek-English Lexicon have a lengthy article on a0fanh/j, from which I see as most pertinent to our
case: ‘what is beyond
the evidence of sense; opp. fanero/n.’
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