Meno’s betrayal 1

Clearchus, the Spartan, and Meno, were enemies – Clearchus was the actual leader of the Greek army, Meno wanted to oust him so as to become the leader himself. Xenophon says about Clearchus:

‘Clearchus, by common consent of all who were personally acquainted with him (Kle/arxoj o9mologoume/nwj e0k pa/ntwn tw~n e0mpei/rwj au0tou= e0xo/ntwn), seemed to have shown himself a man who was both fitted for the war (do/caj gene/sqai a0nh\r kai\ polemiko/j) and fond of war to the last degree (kai\ filopo/lemoj e0sxa/twj). For, in the first place (kai\ ga\r dh/), as long as the Lacedaemonians were at war with the Athenians (e3wj me\n po/lemoj h]n toi=j Lakedaimoni/oij pro\j tou\j A0qhnai/ouj), he bore his part with them (pare/menen); then, as soon as the peace had come (e0peidh\ de\ ei0rh/nh e0ge/neto), he persuaded his state (pei/saj th\n au9tou= po/lin) that the Thracians were injuring the Greeks (w(j oi9 Qra=|kej a0dikou=si tou\j E@llhnaj), [i.e. the Greek colonists in the Thracian Chersonese], and after gaining his point as best he could from the ephors (kai\ diapraca/menoj w(j e0du/nato para\ tw~n e0fo/rwn) [the ephors, five in number, were the ruling officials in Sparta] set sail with the intention of making war (e0ce/plei w(j polemh/swn) upon the Thracians who dwelt beyond the Chersonese (toi=j u9pe\r Xerronh/sou Qra|ci/n). When, however (e0pei\ de/), the ephors changed their minds for some reason or other (metagno/ntej pwj oi9 e1foroi), after he already had gone (h1dh e1cw o1ntoj), tried to turn him back from the Isthmus of Corinth (a0postre/fein au0to\n e0peirw~nto e0c I0sqmou=), at that point he declined to render further obedience (e0ntau=qa ou0ke/ti pei/qetai), but went sailing off (a0ll’ w!|xeto ple/wn) to the Hellespont (ei0j E(llh/sponton). As a result (e0k tou/tou), he was condemned to death (e0qanatw/qh) by the authorities at Sparta (u9po\ tw~n e0n Spa/rth| telw~n) on the ground of disobedience to orders (w(j a0peiqw~n). Being now an exile (h1dh de\ fuga\j w@n), he came to Cyrus (e1rxetai pro\j Ku=ron), and the arguments whereby he persuaded Cyrus are recorded elsewhere (kai\ o9poi/oij me\n lo/goij e1peise Ku=ron a1llh| ge/graptai); at any rate, Cyrus gave him ten thousand darics (di/dwsi de\ au0tw~| Ku~roj muri/ouj dareikou/j), and he, upon receiving this money (o9 de\ labw/n), did not turn his thoughts to comfortable idleness (ou0k e0pi\ ra=|qumi/an e0tra/peto), but used it to collect an army and proceeded to make war upon the Thracians (a0ll’ a0po\ tou/twn tw~n xrhma/twn sulle/caj stra/teuma e0pole/mei toi=j Qra|ci/). He defeated them in battle (kai\ ma/xh| te e0ni/khse) and from that time on (kai\ a0po\ tou/tou dh/) plundered them in every way (e1fere kai\ h]ge tou/touj), and he kept up the war (kai\ polemw~n diege/neto) until Cyrus wanted his army (me/xri Ku=roj e0deh/qh tou= strateu/matoj); then he returned (to/te de\ a0ph/lqen), still for the purpose of making the war, this time in company with Cyrus (w(j cu\n e0kei/nw| au] polemh/swn).

Concerning Xenophon’s remark ‘Being now an exile he came to Cyrus, and the arguments whereby he persuaded Cyrus are recorded elsewhere’ the translator says that these words are not recorded in the Anabasis or in any of Xenophon’s other works: ‘Perhaps the author was writing under the impression that he had stated these arguments in I.i.9.’

In I.i.9 Xenophon says: ‘Still another army was being collected for Cyrus in the Chersonese (a1llo de\ stra/teuma au0tw~| sunele/geto e0n Xerronh/sw|), in the following manner (to/nde to\n tro/pon): Clearchus was a Lacedaemonian exile (Kle/arxoj Lakedaimo/nioj fuga\j h]n); Cyrus, making his acquaintance (tou/tw| suggeno/menoj o9 Ku=roj), came to admire him (h0ga/sqh te au0to/n), and gave him ten thousand darics (kai\ di/dwsi au0tw~| muri/ouj dareikou/j). And Clearchus, taking the gold (o9 de\ labw\n to\ xrusi/on), collected an army by means of this money (stra/teuma sune/lecen a0po\ tou/twn tw~n xrhma/twn), and using Chersonese as a basis for operations, proceeded to make war upon the Thracians who dwell beyond the Hellespont (kai\ e0pole/mei e0k Xerronh/sou o9rmw/menoj toi=j Qra|ci/ toi=ju9pe\r E(llh/sponton oi0kou=si), thereby aiding the Greeks (kai\ w)fe/lei tou\j E#llhnaj). Consequently, the Hellespontic cities of their own free will sent Clearchus contributions of money for the support of his troops  (w#ste kai\ xrh/mata suneba/llonto au0tw~| ei0j th\n trofh\n  tw~n stratiwtw~n ai9 E(llhspontikai\ po/leij e9kou=sai). So it was that this army also was being secretly maintained for Cyrus (tou=to d’ au] ou3tw trefo/menon e0la/nqanen au0tw~| to\ stra/teuma).

In my preceding entry, what Xenophon said about Meno were things of common knowledge.  Now I shall put down his opinions about him, which he presents as a0fanh=, in contrast to the facts that everybody knows (a4 pa/ntej i1sasi); he himself says that since these opinions of his are a0fanh=, they can be mistaken about him (e1cesti peri\ au0tou= yeu/desqai, II.vi. 28).

‘Menon the Thessalian was manifestly eager for enormous wealth (Me/nwn de\ o9 Qettalo\j dh=loj h]n e0piqumw~n me\n ploutei=n i0sxurw~j) – eager for command in order to get more wealth (e0piqumw~n de\ a1rxein, o3pwj plei/w lamba/noi) and eager for honour in order to increase his gains (e0piqumw~n de\ tima=sqai, i3na plei/w kerdai/noi); and he desired to be a friend to the men who possessed greatest power (fi/loj te e0bou/leto ei]nai toi=j me/gista duname/noij) in order that he might commit unjust deeds without suffering the penalty (i3na a0dikw~n mh\ didoi/h di/khn). Again, for the accomplishment of the objects upon which his heart was set (e0pi\ to\ katerga/zesqai w{n e0piqumoi/h), he imagined that the shortest route was by way of perjury (suntomwta/thn w!|eto o9do\n ei]nai dia\ tou= e0piorkei=n te) and falsehood (kai\ yeu/desqai) and deception (kai\ e0capata=n), while he counted straightforwardness and truth the same thing as folly (to\ d’ a9plou=n kai\ to\ a0lhqe\j to\ au0to\ tw~| h0liqi/w| ei]nai). Affection he clearly felt for nobody (ste/rgwn de\ fanero\j me\n h]n ou0de/na), and if he said that he was a friend to anyone (o3tw| de\ fai/h fi/loj ei]nai), it would become plain that this man was the man he was plotting against (tou/tw| e1ndhloj e0gi/gneto e0pibouleu/wn). He would never ridicule an enemy (kai\ polemi/ou de\ ou0deno\j katege/la), but he always gave the impression in conversation of ridiculing all his associates (tw~n de\ suno/ntwn pa/ntwn w(j katagelw~n a0ei\ diele/geto). Neither would he devise schemes against his enemies’ property (kai\ toi=j me\n tw~n polemi/wn kth/masin ou0k e0pebou/leue), for he saw difficulty in getting hold of possessions of people who were in their guard (xalepo\n ga\r w}|eto ei]nai ta\ tw~n fulattome/nwn lamba/nein); but he thought he was the only one who knew that it was easiest to get hold of property of friends – just because it was unguarded (ta\ de\ tw~n fi/lwn mo/noj w}|eto ei0de/nai r9a=|ston o2n a0fu/lakta lamba/nein); wrongdoers (kai\ a0di/kouj) he would fear, regarding them as well armed (w(j eu] w(plisme/nouj e0fobei=to), while those who were pious (toi=j de\ o9si/oij) and practised truth (kai\ a0lh/qeian a0skou=si) he would try to make use of, regarding them as weaklings (w(j a0na/ndroij e0peira=to xrh=sqai). And just as a man prides himself upon piety, truthfulness and justice (w#sper de/ tij a0ga/lletai e0pi\ qeosebei/a| kai\ a0lhqei/a| kai\ dikaio/thti), so Menon prided himself upon ability to deceive (Me/nwn h0ga/lleto tw~| e0capata=n du/nasqai), the fabrication of lies (tw~| pla/sasqai yeu/dh), and the mocking of friends (tw~| fi/louj diagela=n); but the man who was not a rascal he always thought of as belonging to the uneducated (to\n de\ mh\ panou=rgon tw~n a0paideu/twn a0ei\ e0no/mizen ei]nai). Again, if he were attempting to be first in the friendship of anybody (kai\ par’ oi[j me\n e0pexei/rei prwteu/ein fili/a|) he thought that slandering those who were already first was the proper way of getting this end (diaba/llwn tou\j prw&touj tou=to w!|eto dei=n kth/sasqai). As for making his soldiers obedient (to\ de\ peiqome/nouj tou\j stratiw&taj pare/xesqai), he managed that by bearing a share in their wrongdoing (e0k tou= sunadikei=n au0toi=j e0mhxana=to). He expected, indeed, to get honour and attention by showing (tima=sqai de\ kai\ qerapeu/esqai h0ci/ou e0pideiknu/menoj) that he had the ability and would have the readiness to do the most wrongs (o3ti plei=sta du/naito kai\ e0qe/loi a2n a0dikei=n); and he set it down as a kindness (eu0ergesi/an de\ kate/legen), whenever anyone broke off with him (o9po/te tij au0tou= a0fi/staito), that he had not, while still on terms with such a one, destroyed him (o3ti xrw&menoj au0tw~| ou0k a0pw&lesen au0to/n).’

PS

Liddell &Scott in their Greek-English Lexicon have a lengthy article on a0fanh/j, from which I see as most pertinent to our case: ‘what is beyond the evidence of sense; opp. fanero/n.’

For the record – more interference with my work

In 'Meno’s betrayal 1' I was quoting Xenophon’s Anabasis I.i.9. Unable to sleep, I wanted to begin to write 'Meno’s betrayal 2'. Before beginning it, I wanted to refresh my mind and see what I wrote in 'Meno’s betrayal 1'. My eyes fell on a closing passage from I.i.9, which I quote there. The closing passage is corrupted as follows:

Kai\money for the support of his troops (w#ste kai\ xrh/mata suneba/llonto au0tw~| ei0j th\n trofh\n tw~n stratiwtw~n ai9 E(llhspontikai\ po/leij e9kou=sai). So it was that this army wj  stra/teuma).

The correct passage is as follows:

Consequently, the Hellespontic cities of their own free will sent Clearchus contributions of money for the support of his troops (w#ste kai\ xrh/mata suneba/llonto au0tw~| ei0j th\n trofh\n tw~n stratiwtw~n ai9 E(llhspontikai\ po/leij e9kou=sai). So it was that this army also was being secretly maintained for Cyrus (tou=to d’ au] ou3tw trefo/menon e0la/nqanen au0tw~| to\ stra/teuma).

 

The end of Meno – with an important PS

Xenophon says in Anabasis II.vi.28-29: ‘To be sure, in matters that are doubtful (Kai\ ta\ me\n dh\ a0fanh=) one may be mistaken about him (e1cesti peri\ au0tou= yeu/desqai), but the facts which everybody knows are the following (a4 de\ pa/ntej i1sasi ta/d’ e0sti/). From Aristippus he secured, while still in the bloom of youth, an appointment as general of his mercenaries (para\ Aristi/ppou me\n e1ti w(rai=oj w@n strathgei=n diepra/cato tw~n ce/nwn); with Ariaeus, who was a barbarian (A0riai/w| de\ barba/rw| o1nti), he became extremely intimate for the reason that Ariaeus [general under Cyrus] was fond of beautiful youths (o3ti meiraki/oij a0gaqoi=j h3deto, oi0keio/tatoj e0ge/neto); and, lastly, he himself while still beardless, had a bearded favourite named Tharypas (au0to\j de\ paidika\ ei]xe Qaru/pan a0ge/nioj w@n geneiw~nta). Now when his fellow-generals were put to death for joining Cyrus in his expedition against the King (a0poqnh|sko/ntwn de\ tw~n sustrath/gwn o3ti e0stra/teusan e0pi\ basile/a cu\n Ku/rw|),), he, who had done the same thing, was not so treated (tau0ta\ pepoihkw_j ou0k a0pe/qane), but it was after the execution of the other generals that the King visited the punishment of death upon him; and he was not, like Clearchus and the rest of the generals, beheaded (meta\ de\ tw~n a1lllwn strathgw~n timwrhqei\j u9po\ basile/wj a0pe/qanen, ou0x w#sper Kle/arxoj kai\ oi9 a1lloi strathgoi\ a0poqmhqe/ntej ta\j kefala/j) – a manner of death which is counted speediest (o3sper ta/xistoj qa/natoj dokei= ei]nai) – but, report says, was tortured alive for a year and so met the death of a scoundrel (a0lla\ zw~n ai0kisqei\j e0niauto\n w(j ponhro\j le/getai th=j teleuth=j tuxei=n).’

Why was this terrible death imposed on Meno?

Xenophon narrates that when Cyrus’ army reached the river Euphrates, the mercenaries were refusing to cross the river; they were hired to march against rebellious tribes, not against the King. The men decided to have an assembly in which to decide what to do. ‘But as for Menon (Me/nwn de/), before it was clear (pri\n dh=lon ei]nai) what the rest of the soldiers would do (ti/ poih/swsi oi9 a1lloi stratiw~tai), that is, whether they would follow Cyrus or not (po/teron e3yontai Ku/rw| h2 ou1), he gathered together his own troops (sune/lece to\ au9tou= stra/teuma) apart from the others (xwri\j tw~n a1llwn) and spoke as follows (kai\ e1lece ta/de): “Soldiers (A1ndrej), if you will obey me (e0a/n moi peisqh=te), without either danger or toil (ou1te kinduneu/santej ou1te ponh/santej), you will be honoured by Cyrus above and beyond the rest of the troops (tw~n a1llwn ple/on protimh/sesqe stratiwtw~n u9po\ Ku/rou). What, then, do I direct to do (ti/ ou]n keleu/w poih=sai;)? At this moment Cyrus is begging the Greeks to follow him against the King (nu=n dei=tai Ku=roj e3pesqai tou\j E#llhnaj e0pi\ basile/a); my own plan, then (e0gw_ ou]n fhmi), is that you should cross the Euphrates river (u9ma=j xrh=nai diabh=nai to\n Eu0fra/thn potamo/n) before it is clear (pri\n dh=lon ei]nai) what answer the rest of the Greeks will make to Cyrus (o3 ti oi9 a1lloi E#llhnej a0pokrinou=ntai Ku/rw|). For if they vote to follow him (h]n me\n ga\r yhfi/swntai e3pesqai), it is you who will get the credit for that decision (u9mei=j do/cete ai1tioi ei]nai) because you began the crossing (a1rcantej tou= diabai=nein), and Cyrus will not only feel grateful to you, regarding you as the most zealous in his cause, but he will return the favour (kai\ w(j proqumota/toij ou]sin u9mi=n xa/rin ei1setai Ku=roj kai\ a0podw&sei) – and he knows how to do that if any man does (e0pi/statai d’ ei1 tij kai\ a1lloj); on the other hand, if the rest vote not to follow him (h2n de\ a0poyhfi/swntai oi9 a1lloi), we shall all go back together (a1pimen me\n a3pantej tou1mpalin), but you, as the only ones who were obedient (u9mi=n de\ w(j mo/noij peiqome/noij), are the men he will employ, not only for garrison duty, but for captaincies (xrh/setai kai\ ei0j frou/ria kai\ ei0j loxagi/aj); and whatever else you may desire (kai\ a1llou ou[tinoj a2n de/hsqe), I know that you, as friends of Cyrus, will secure from him (oi]da o3ti w(j fi/loi teu/cesqe Ku/rou).” Upon hearing these words (a0kou/santej tau=ta) the soldiers were persuaded (e0pei/qonto), and made the crossing (kai\ die/bhsan) before the rest gave their answer (pri\n tou\j a1llouj a0pokri/nasqai). When Cyrus learned that they had crossed (Ku=roj d’ e0pei\ h1|sqeto diabebhko/taj), he was delighted (h3sqh te) and sent Glus to the troops with this message (kai\ tw|~ strateu/mati pe/myaj Glou=n ei]pen): “Soldiers, today I commend you (E)gw_ me/n, w} a1ndrej, h1dh u9ma=j e0painw~); but I shall see to it that you also shall have cause to commend me (o3pwj de\ kai\ u9mei=j e0me\ e0paine/sete e0moi\ melh/sei), else count me no longer Cyrus (h1 mhke/ti me Ku=ron nomi/zete).” So Menon’s troops cherished high hopes (oi9 me\n dh\ stratiw~tai e0n e0lpi/si mega/laij o1ntej) and prayed that he might be successful (hu1xonto au0to\n eu0tuxh=sai), while to Menon himself Cyrus was said to have sent magnificent gifts besides (Me/nwni de\ kai\ dw~ra e0le/geto pe/myai megaloprepw~j). (Anabasis I.iv.13-17, tr. Carleton L. Brownson)

PS

Information about all this must have reached the Greeks well before Socrates’ trial. How is it possible that nobody seems to have realised that Plato could not have written the Meno after all this became known in Greece? That all this became known in Greece is not just a speculation. There is a long passage in the Anabasis about Falinus, who was sent by the King to ask the Greek army to give up their arms (II.i. 7-23). Klearchos, the Spartan leader of the Greek army, asked Falinus to give them his honest advice: ‘And you know (oi]sqa de/) that any advice you may give will certainly be reported in Greece (o3ti a0na/gkh le/gesqai e0n th=| E(lla/di a4 a2n su\ sumbouleu/shj).’ (II.i. 17)

But I believe that Plato must have written the Meno before he learnt that Meno was appointed as general of the mercenaries of Thessaly.  Why? Plato wrote the Meno in the belief that Meno aspired to become Philosopher-King of Thessaly. What entitles me to this claim? Let me refer to Meno 3, to what I say there about the philosophic mysteries to which Meno is to be initiated, if he is to stay in Athens long enough. Meno: ‘But I should stay, Socrates, if you would say to me many such things (ei1 moi polla\ toiau=ta le/goij).’ Socrates: ‘Well then, I will spare no endeavour, both for your sake and for my own, to say such things (le/gwn toiau=ta).’ (Meno 77a1-4)

Closely connected with the talk about philosophic mysteries, to which Meno is to be initiated, is the closing discussion. Since no leading politician, not even Pericles, could pass on to their progeny their own political excellence, Socrates viewed their political virtues as a gift of god.

Socrates: At this moment, if through all this discussion our queries and statements were correct, virtue is found to be neither natural nor taught, but is imparted to us by a divine dispensation without understanding in those who receive it, unless there should be someone among the statesmen capable of making a statesman of another. And if there should be any such, he might fairly be said to be among the living what Homer says about Teiresias was among the dead – “He alone has comprehension; the rest are flitting shades.” In the same way he on earth, in respect of virtue, will be a real substance among shadows.

Meno: I think you put it excellently, Socrates.

Socrates: It is now time for me to go my way, but do you persuade our friend Anytus of that whereof you are now yourself persuaded, so as to put him in a gentler mood; for if you can persuade him, you will do a good turn to the people of Athens also.

The end of Meno

Xenophon says in Anabasis II.vi.28-29: ‘To be sure, in matters that are doubtful (Kai\ ta\ me\n dh\ a0fanh=) one may be mistaken about him (e1cesti peri\ au0tou= yeu/desqai), but the facts which everybody knows are the following (a4 de\ pa/ntej i1sasi ta/d’ e0sti/). From Aristippus he secured, while still in the bloom of youth, an appointment as general of his mercenaries (para\ Aristi/ppou me\n e1ti w(rai=oj w@n strathgei=n diepra/cato tw~n ce/nwn); with Ariaeus, who was a barbarian (A0riai/w| de\ barba/rw| o1nti), he became extremely intimate for the reason that Ariaeus [general under Cyrus] was fond of beautiful youths (o3ti meiraki/oij a0gaqoi=j h3deto, oi0keio/tatoj e0ge/neto); and, lastly, he himself while still beardless, had a bearded favourite named Tharypas (au0to\j de\ paidika\ ei]xe Qaru/pan a0ge/nioj w@n geneiw~nta). Now when his fellow-generals were put to death for joining Cyrus in his expedition against the King (a0poqnh|sko/ntwn de\ tw~n sustrath/gwn o3ti e0stra/teusan e0pi\ basile/a cu\n Ku/rw|),), he, who had done the same thing, was not so treated (tau0ta\ pepoihkw_j ou0k a0pe/qane), but it was after the execution of the other generals that the King visited the punishment of death upon him; and he was not, like Clearchus and the rest of the generals, beheaded (meta\ de\ tw~n a1lllwn strathgw~n timwrhqei\j u9po\ basile/wj a0pe/qanen, ou0x w#sper Kle/arxoj kai\ oi9 a1lloi strathgoi\ a0poqmhqe/ntej ta\j kefala/j) – a manner of death which is counted speediest (o3sper ta/xistoj qa/natoj dokei= ei]nai) – but, report says, was tortured alive for a year and so met the death of a scoundrel (a0lla\ zw~n ai0kisqei\j e0niauto\n w(j ponhro\j le/getai th=j teleuth=j tuxei=n).’

Why was this terrible death imposed on Meno?

Xenophon narrates that when Cyrus’ army reached the river Euphrates, the mercenaries were refusing to cross the river; they were hired to march against rebellious tribes, not against the King. The men decided to have an assembly in which to decide what to do. ‘But as for Menon (Me/nwn de/), before it was clear (pri\n dh=lon ei]nai) what the rest of the soldiers would do (ti/ poih/swsi oi9 a1lloi stratiw~tai), that is, whether they would follow Cyrus or not (po/teron e3yontai Ku/rw| h2 ou1), he gathered together his own troops (sune/lece to\ au9tou= stra/teuma) apart from the others (xwri\j tw~n a1llwn) and spoke as follows (kai\ e1lece ta/de): “Soldiers (A1ndrej), if you will obey me (e0a/n moi peisqh=te), without either danger or toil (ou1te kinduneu/santej ou1te ponh/santej), you will be honoured by Cyrus above and beyond the rest of the troops (tw~n a1llwn ple/on protimh/sesqe stratiwtw~n u9po\ Ku/rou). What, then, do I direct to do (ti/ ou]n keleu/w poih=sai;)? At this moment Cyrus is begging the Greeks to follow him against the King (nu=n dei=tai Ku=roj e3pesqai tou\j E#llhnaj e0pi\ basile/a); my own plan, then (e0gw_ ou]n fhmi), is that you should cross the Euphrates river (u9ma=j xrh=nai diabh=nai to\n Eu0fra/thn potamo/n) before it is clear (pri\n dh=lon ei]nai) what answer the rest of the Greeks will make to Cyrus (o3 ti oi9 a1lloi E#llhnej a0pokrinou=ntai Ku/rw|). For if they vote to follow him (h]n me\n ga\r yhfi/swntai e3pesqai), it is you who will get the credit for that decision (u9mei=j do/cete ai1tioi ei]nai) because you began the crossing (a1rcantej tou= diabai=nein), and Cyrus will not only feel grateful to you, regarding you as the most zealous in his cause, but he will return the favour (kai\ w(j proqumota/toij ou]sin u9mi=n xa/rin ei1setai Ku=roj kai\ a0podw&sei) – and he knows how to do that if any man does (e0pi/statai d’ ei1 tij kai\ a1lloj); on the other hand, if the rest vote not to follow him (h2n de\ a0poyhfi/swntai oi9 a1lloi), we shall all go back together (a1pimen me\n a3pantej tou1mpalin), but you, as the only ones who were obedient (u9mi=n de\ w(j mo/noij peiqome/noij), are the men he will employ, not only for garrison duty, but for captaincies (xrh/setai kai\ ei0j frou/ria kai\ ei0j loxagi/aj); and whatever else you may desire (kai\ a1llou ou[tinoj a2n de/hsqe), I know that you, as friends of Cyrus, will secure from him (oi]da o3ti w(j fi/loi teu/cesqe Ku/rou).” Upon hearing these words (a0kou/santej tau=ta) the soldiers were persuaded (e0pei/qonto), and made the crossing (kai\ die/bhsan) before the rest gave their answer (pri\n tou\j a1llouj a0pokri/nasqai). When Cyrus learned that they had crossed (Ku=roj d’ e0pei\ h1|sqeto diabebhko/taj), he was delighted (h3sqh te) and sent Glus to the troops with this message (kai\ tw|~ strateu/mati pe/myaj Glou=n ei]pen): “Soldiers, today I commend you (E)gw_ me/n, w} a1ndrej, h1dh u9ma=j e0painw~); but I shall see to it that you also shall have cause to commend me (o3pwj de\ kai\ u9mei=j e0me\ e0paine/sete e0moi\ melh/sei), else count me no longer Cyrus (h1 mhke/ti me Ku=ron nomi/zete).” So Menon’s troops cherished high hopes (oi9 me\n dh\ stratiw~tai e0n e0lpi/si mega/laij o1ntej) and prayed that he might be successful (hu1xonto au0to\n eu0tuxh=sai), while to Menon himself Cyrus was said to have sent magnificent gifts besides (Me/nwni de\ kai\ dw~ra e0le/geto pe/myai megaloprepw~j). (Anabasis I.iv.13-17, tr. Carleton L. Brownson)

Meno 9

Meno 8 ended with the Boy’s discovery of the side of the double size square (Meno 85b4-7). Having thus ended with the Boy, Socrates turned to Meno.

Socrates: What do you think, Meno (Ti/ soi dokei=, w} Me/nwn;)? Was there any opinion that he did not give as an answer of his own thought (e1stin h3ntina do/can ou0x au9tou= ou[toj a0pekri/nato;)?

Meno: No, they were all his own (Ou1k, a0ll’ e9autou=).

Socrates: But you see, he did not know, as we were saying a while since (Kai\ mh\n ou0k h1|dei ge, w(j e1famen o0li/gon pro/teron).

Meno: That is true (A0lhqh= le/geij).

Socrates: Yet he had in him these opinions (E)nh=san de/ ge au0tw~| au[tai ai9 do/cai), had he not (h2 ou1;)?

Meno: Yes (Nai/).

Socrates: So that he who does not know about any matters, whatever they be (Tw~| ou0k ei0do/ti a1ra peri\ w{n a2n mh\ ei0dh=|), may have true opinions on such matters (e1neisin a0lhqei=j do/cai peri\ tou/twn), about which he knows nothing (w{n ou0k oi]den;)?

Meno: Apparently (Fai/netai).

Socrates: And at this moment those opinions have just been stirred in him, like a dream (Kai\ nu=n me/n ge au0tw~| w#sper o1nar  a1rti a0nakeki/nhntai ai9 do/cai au[tai); but if he were repeatedly asked these same questions in a variety of forms (ei0 de\ au0to/n tij a0nerh/setai au0ta\ tau=ta kai\ pollaxh=|), you know he will have in the end as exact an understanding of them as anyone (oi]sq’ o3ti teleutw~n ou0deno\j h[tton a0kribw~j e0pisth/setai peri\ tou/twn).

Meno: So it seems (E!oiken).

Socrates: Without anyone having taught him, and only through questions put to him, he will understand, recovering the knowledge out of himself (Ou0kou=n ou0deno\j dida/cantoj a0ll’ e0rwth=santoj e0pisth/setai, a0nalabw_n au0to\j e0c au9tou= th\n e0pisth/mhn;)?

Meno: Yes (Nai/).

Socrates: And is not this recovery of knowledge, in himself and by himself, recollection (To\ de\ a0nalamba/nein au0to\n e0n au9tw~| e0pisth/mhn ou0k a0namimnh/skesqai/ e0stin;)?

Meno: Certainly (Pa/nu ge).

Socrates: And must he not have either once acquired or always had the knowledge he now has (A}r’ ou]n ou0 th\n e0pisth/mhn, h4n nu=n ou3toj e1xei, h1toi e1labe/ pote h2 a0ei\ ei]xen;)?

Meno: Yes (Nai/).

Socrates: Now if he always had it (Ou0kou=n ei0 me\n a0ei\ ei]xen), he was always in a state of knowing (a0ei\ kai\ h[n e0pisth/mwn); and if he acquired it at some time (ei0 de\ e0labe/ pote), he could not have acquired it in this life (ou0k a2n e1n ge tw~| nu=n bi/w| ei0lhfw_j ei1h). Or has someone taught him geometry (h2 dedi/daxe/ tij tou=ton gewmetrei=n;)? You see, he can do the same as this with all geometry and every branch of knowledge (ou[toj ga\r poih/sei peri\ pa/shj gewmetri/aj tau0ta\ tau=ta, kai\ tw~n a1llwn maqhma/twn a9pa/ntwn). Now, can anyone have taught him all this (e1stin ou]n o3stij au0to\n pa/nta dedi/daxe;),? You ought surely to know (di/kaioj ga/r pou ei] ei0de/nai), especially (a1llwj te ) as he was born and bred in your home (e0peidh\ e0n th=| sh=| oi0ki/a| ge/gone kai\ te/qraptai).

Meno: Well, I know that no one has ever taught him (A0ll’ oi]da e1gwge o3ti ou0dei\j pw&pote e0di/dacen).

Socrates: And has he these opinions (E!xei de\ tau/taj ta\j do/caj), or has he not (h2 ou0xi/)?

Meno: He must have them, Socrates, evidently (A0na/gkh, w} Sw&kratej, fai/netai).

Socrates: And if he did not acquire them in this present life (Ei0 de\ mh\ e0n tw~| nu=m bi/w| labw&n), is it not obvious at once (ou0k h1dh tou=to dh=lon) that he had them and learnt them during some other time (o3ti e0n a1llw| tini\ xro/nw| ei]xe kai\ e0memaqh/kei;)?

Meno: Apparently (Fai/netai).

Socrates: And this must have been the time when he was not a human being (Ou0kou=n ou[to/j ge/ e0stin o9 xro/noj, o3t’ ou0k h]n a1nqrwpoj).

Meno: Yes (Nai/).

Socrates: So if in both of these periods – when he was and when he was not a human being (Ei0 ou]n o3n t’ a2n h]| xro/non kai\ o3n t’ a2n mh\ h]| a1nqrwpoj) – he has had true opinions in him (e0ne/sontai au0tw~| a0lhqei=j do/cai) which have only to have been awakened by questioning to become knowledge (a4 e0rwth/sei e0pegerqei=sai e0pisth=mai gi/gnontai), his soul must have had this cognisance throughout all time (a]r’ ou]n  to\n a0ei\ xro/non memaqhkui=a e1stai h9 yuxh\ au0tou=;)? For clearly he has always either been or not been a human being (dh=lon ga\r o3ti to\n pa/nta xro/non e1stin h2 ou0k e1stin a1nqrwpoj).

Meno: Evidently (Fai/netai).

Socrates: And if the truth of all things that are is always in the soul (Ou=kou=n ei0 a0ei\ h9 a0lh/qeia h9mi=n tw~n o1ntwn e0sti\n e0n th=| yuxh=|), then the soul must be immortal (a0qa/natoj a2n h9 yuxh\ ei1h); so that you should take heart and (w#ste qarrou=nta xrh/), whatever you do not happen to know at present (o9 mh\ tugxa/neij e0pista/menoj nu=n) – that is what you do not remember (tou=to d’ e0sti\n o4 mh\ memnhme/noj) – you must endeavour to search out and recollect (e0pixeirei=n zhtei=n kai\ a0namimnh/skesqai;)?

Meno: What you say commends itself to me, Socrates (Eu] moi dokei=j le/gein, w} Sw&kratej), I know not how (ou0k oi]d’ o3pwj).

Socrates: And so it does to me, Meno (Kai\ ga\r e0gw_ e0moi/, w} Me/nwn). Most of the points I have made in support of my argument are not such as I can confidently assert (kai\ ta\ me/n ge a1lla ou0k a2n pa/nu u9pe\r tou= lo/gou diisxurisai/mhn); but that the belief in the duty of inquiring (o3ti d’ oi0o/menoi dei=n zhtei=n) after what we do not know (a4 mh/ tij oi]de) will make us better and braver and less helpless (belti/ouj a2n ei]men kai\ a0ndrikw&teroi kai\ h3tton a0rgoi/) than the notion that there is not even a possibility of discovering what we do not know (h2 ei0 oi0oi/meqa, a3 mh\ e0pista/meqa, mhde\ dunato\n ei]nai eu9rei=n), nor any duty of inquiring after it (mhde\ dei=n zhtei=n) – this is a point for which I am determined to do battle, so far as I am able, both in word and deed (peri\ tou/tou pa/nu a2n diamaxoi/mhn, ei0 o9io/j t’ ei1hn, kai\ lo/gw| kai\ e1rgw).

Meno: There also I consider that you speak aright, Socrates (Kai\ tou=to me/n ge dokei=j moi eu] le/gein, w} Sw&kratej).

Meno 8

I ended Meno 7 noticing that ‘At Meno 84e-c Socrates appropriated the simile of ‘torpedoing’, narka=|n, 'as an expression of an important stage of recollection, the stage of questioning, which ends with the recognition of one’s not knowing on the part of those questioned by Socrates.’

The last exchange between Socrates and Meno in Meno 7 was the following:

Socrates: Then the torpedo’s shock was of advantage to him?

Meno: I think so.

Socrates asks Meno: Now you should note (Ske/yai dh/) how, as a result of this perplexity, he will go on and discover something by joint inquiry with me (e0k tau/thj th=j a0pori/aj o3 ti kai\ a0neurh/sei zhtw~n met’ e0mou=), while I merely ask questions (ou0de\n a0ll’ h2 e0rwtw~ntoj e0mou=) and do not teach him (kai\ ou0 dida/skontoj); and be on the watch to see (fu/latte de/) if at any point you find me teaching him (a1n pou eu3rh|j me dida/skonta) or expounding to him (h2 diecio/nta au0tw~|), instead of questioning him on his opinions (a0lla\ mh\ ta\j tou/tou do/caj a0nerwtw~nta).

            [Socrates turns to the boy] For tell me (Le/ge ga\r moi), you (su/): don’t we have here this [Socrates is pointing: tou=to] space of four feet (ou0 to\ me\n tetra/poun tou=to h9mi=n e0sti\ xwri/on;)? You understand (manqa/neij;)?

Boy: Yes (E!gwge).

Socrates asks the boy: And another [space] (E3teron de/) to it (au0tw~|) we add (prosqei=men a1n) this (touti/) [Socrates points] equal to it (i1son;)?

Boy: Yes (Nai/).

Socrates: And a third (Kai\ tri/ton) this (to/de [Socrates points to the third square]) equal (i1son) to both (e9kate/rw|) of these (tou/twn [Socrates points where to put the third square]).

Boy: Yes (Nai/).

Socrates: Now shall we fill up (Ou0kou=n prosanaplhrwsai/meq’ a1n), the one in the corner (to\ e0n th=| gwni/a|), this (to/de; [Socrates points to the remaining empty space, in the corner])?

Boy: By all means (Pa/nu ge).

Socrates: So here we must have four equal spaces (A1llo ti ou]n ge/noit’ a2n te/ttara i1sa xwri/a), these (ta/de [Sokrates points to the four squares, which form one big square])?

Boy: Yes (Nai/).

Socrates: Well now (Ti/ oun];) the whole (to\ o3lon), this (to/de [Socrates points to the whole square]), how many times larger (posapla/sion) than this (tou=de [Socrates points to one of the four small squares]) it is becoming (gi/gnetai;)?

Boy: Four times (Tetrapla/sion).

Socrates: But it was to have been only twice (E!dei de\ dipla/sion h9mi=n gene/sqai), or don’t you remember (h2 ou0 me/mnhsai;)?

Boy: To be sure (Pa/nu ge).

Socrates: And is this line (Ou0kou=n e0stin au3th grammh/ [Socrates draws the line), drawn from corner to corner (e0k gwni/aj ei0j gwni/an teinou=sa), cutting in two each of these spaces (te/mnousa di/xa e3kaston tou/twn tw~n xwri/wn; [Socrates points to the four small squares that form the big square of sixteen square feet; through each of these he draws a dividing line])?

Boy: Yes (Nai/).

Socrates: And have we here four equal lines (Ou0kou=n te/ttarej gi/gnontai grammai\ i1sai [Socrates draws the four lines]) containing (perie/xousai) this (touti/) space (to\ xwri/on;)?

Boy: We have (Gi/gnontai ga/r).

Socrates: Now consider (Sko/pei dh/), how large this space is (phli/kon ti/ e0sti tou=to to xwri/on)?

Boy: I do not understand (Ou0 manqa/nw).

Socrates: These being four (Ou0xi\ ttta/rwn o1ntwn tou/twn) half of each (h3misu e9ka/stou) each line (e9ka/sth h9 grammh/) cut off inside (a0pote/tmhken e0nto/j); or not (h2 ou1;)?

Boy: Yes (Nai/).

Socrates: And how many (Po/sa ou]n thlikau=ta [with thlikau=ta Socrates points at halves of the small, four-foot spaces]) are inside this (e0n tou/tw| e1nesti; [with e0n tou/tw| “in this” Socrates points at the square formed by the lines drawn from corners to corners of the four four-foot squares).

Boy: Four (Te/ttara).

Socrates: And how many (Po/sa de/) in this (e0n tw~|de; [e0n tw~|de “in this” refers to a small, four-foot square])?

Boy: Two (Du/o).

Socrates: And four (Ta\ de\ te/ttara) is how many times two (toi=n duoi=n ti/ e0stin;)?

Boy: Twice (Dipla/sia).

Socrates: This then (To/de ou]n), how many feet it becomes (posa/poun gi/gnetai;)?

Boy: Eight feet (O)ktw&poun).

Socrates: From what line (A0po\ poi/aj grammh=j; [Socrates asks from what line is the Eight feet square])?

Boy: From this (A0po\ tau/thj [the boy correctly points at the side of the Eight feet square]).

Socrates: From the line (A0po\ th=j) drawn from corner to corner (e0k gwni/aj ei0j gwni/an teinou/shj) of the four-foot (tou= tetra/podoj)?

Boy: Yes (Nai/).

Socrates: The professors call it the diagonal (Kalou=si de/ ge tau/thn dia/metron oi9 sofistai/ [85b4]): so if the diagonal is its name (w#st’ ei0 tau/th| dia/metroj o1noma), then according to you, Meno’s boy, the double space is the square of the diagonal (a0po\ th=j diame/trou a1n, w(j su\ fh/|j, w} pai= Me/nwnoj, gi/gnoit’ a2n to\ dipla/sion xwri/on).

Boy: Yes, certainly it is, Socrates (Panu me\n ou]n, w} Sw&kratej).

***

Notice that the name “sophist” has here, at 85b4, positive connotations.