At the end of the Meno, just before leaving, Socrates presents the results of the discussion:
‘If through all this discussion (ei0 de\ nu=n
h9mei=j e0n panti\ tw~| lo/gw| tou/tw|) our queries and statements have been correct (kalw~j
e0zhth/same/n te kai\ e0le/gomen), virtue is found to be neither natural (a0reth\ a2n ei1h
ou1te fu/sei) nor taught
(ou1te
didakto/n), but is
imparted to us by a divine dispensation (a0lla\ qei/a| moi/ra| paragignome/nh) without understanding (a1neu nou=) in those who receive it (oi[j a2n
paragi/gnhtai), unless
there should be somebody among the statesmen (ei0 mh/ tij ei1h toiou=toj tw~n
politikw~n a0ndrw~n) capable
of making a statesman of another (oi[oj kai\ a1llon poih/sai politiko/n). And if there should be any such (ei0 de\ ei1h), he might fairly be said to be
among the living (sxedo\n a1n ti ou[toj le/goito toiou=toj e0n toi=j zw~sin) what Homer says Teiresias was among
the dead (oi[on e1fh O#mhroj e0n toi=j teqnew~si to\n Teiresi/an ei]nai, le/gwn
peri\ au0tou= o3ti) –
“He alone has comprehension (oi]oj pe/pnutai tw~n e0n A#idou); the rest are fleeting shades (ai9 de\ skiai\
a0i5ssousi),” In the
same way he on earth, in respect of virtue, will be a real substance among
shadows (tau0to\n a2n kai\ e0nqa/de o9 toiou=toj w#sper para\ skia\j a0lhqe\j
a2n pra=gma ei1h pro\j a0reth/n).’
Meno: ‘I
think you put it excellently (Ka/llista dokei=j moi le/gein), Socrates (w} Sw&kratej).’
***
The question
is: what entitled Socrates to the Homeric accolade of the statesman capable of
making a statesman of another, and what entitled Meno to his praise of Socrates
on account of it?
My answer to
this question? Philosophic mysteries, to which Socrates alludes at 76e: ‘But it
is not [the better definition] (A0ll’ ou0k e1stin), son of Alexidemus (w} pai= A0lecidh/mou), as
I am persuading myself (w(j e0gw_
e0mauto\n pei/qw), but the other definition is better (a0ll’ e0kei/nh
belti/wn) and
I think it would seem so to you as well (oi]mai de\ ou0d’ a2n soi\ do/cai), if
you would not have to leave, as you said yesterday, before the mysteries (ei0 mh/, w#sper
xqe\j e1legej, a0nagkai=o/n soi a0pie/nai pro\ tw~n musthri/wn), but if you stayed and got initiated (a0ll’ ei0 perimei/naij
kai\ muhqei/hj).’
Meno replies:
‘But I should stay (A0lla\ perime/noim’ a1n), Socrates (w} Sw&kratej), if you would tell me many such things
(ei1
moi po/lla toiau=ta le/goij).’
Socrates
responds by assuring Meno that he is ready and willing to do everything in his
power to make him stay and be initiated: ‘Well then, I will spare no endeavour
(A0lla\
mh\n proqumi/aj ge ou0de\n a0polei/yw), both for your sake and for my own (kai\ sou= e3neka
kai\ e0mautou=), to continue
saying such things (le/gwn toiau=ta).’
Let me now
give the two definitions. At 76a Socrates defines sxh=ma (figure): ‘In every instance of
figure (kata\
panto\j sxh/matoj tou=to le/gw) I call that figure in which the solid ends (ei0j o4 to\
stereo\n perai/nei, tou=t’ ei]nai sxh=ma); and I may put that more succinctly
by saying that figure is “limit of solid” (o3per a2n sullabw_n ei1poimi stereou=
pe/raj sxh=ma ei]nai).’
Meno is not
enamoured with this definition; instead of expressing his opinion about it, he
asks Socrates to define colour. Socrates complies with his request: ‘Then would
you like me to answer you in the manner of Gorgias (Bou/lei ou]n soi
kata\ Gorgi/an a0pokri/nwmai), which you would find easiest to follow (h[| a2n su\ ma/lista a0kolouqh/saij;)?’
Meno: ‘I
should like that (Bou/lomai), of course (pw~j ga\r ou1;).’
Socrates: ‘Do
not both of you say there are certain effluences of existent things (Ou0kou=n le/gete
a0porroa/j tinaj tw}n o1ntwn), as Empedocles held (kata\ E)mpedokle/a;)?’
Memo: ‘Certainly’
(Sfo/dra
ge).
Socrates: ‘And
passages (Kai\ po/rouj) into
which (ei0j
ou43j) and through which
(kai\
di’ w{n) the effluences pass (ai9 a0porroai\
poreu/ontai;)?’
Meno: ‘To be
sure (Pa/nu
ge).’
Socrates: ‘And
some of the effluences fit into various passages (Kai\ tw~n a0porrow~n ta\j me\n a9rmo/ttein
e0ni/oij tw~n po/rwn),
while some are too small or too large (ta\j de\ e0la/ttouj h2 mei/zouj ei]nai;)?’
Meno: ‘That
is so (E1sti
tau=ta).’
Socrates: ‘And
further, there is what you call sight (Ou0kou=n kai\ o1yin kalei=j ti;)?’
Meno: ‘Yes (E!gwge).’
Socrates: So
now “conceive my meaning,” as Pindar says: colour is an effluence of figures, commensurate
with sight and sensible (E)k tou/twn dh\ cu/nej o3 toi le/gw, e1fh Pi/ndaroj. e1sti
ga\r xro/a a0porroh\ sxhma/twn o1yei su/mmetroj kai\ ai0sqhto/j).’
Meno: ‘Your
answer, Socrates, seems to me excellently put (A1rista/ moi dokei=j, w}
Sw&kratej, tau/thn th\n a0po/krisin ei0rhke/nai).’
***
We may now
ask, and I believe that Plato wants us to ask, on what grounds Socrates prefers
his definition of sxh=ma (figure) to the definition of colour according
to Gorgias and Empedocles? Let us visualise the definition of sxh=ma: ‘In every instance of figure (kata\ panto\j
sxh/matoj tou=to le/gw) I
call that figure in which the solid ends (ei0j o4 to\ stereo\n perai/nei, tou=t’ ei]nai sxh=ma); and I may put that more succinctly
by saying that figure is “limit of solid” (o3per a2n sullabw_n ei1poimi stereou=
pe/raj sxh=ma ei]nai).’
If we succeed in doing so, we have succeeded in visualising the Platonic Form (i0de/a) of sxh=ma.
Now we can properly understand
Socrates’ message, with which the dialogue ends: ‘It is now time for me to go my
way (nu=n d’ e0moi\ me\n w#ra poi i0e/nai), but do you persuade our friend Anytus of
that whereof you are now yourself persuaded (su\ de\ tau=ta a3per au0to\j pe/peisai pei=qe
kai\ to\n ce/non to/nde A1nuton), so as to
put him in a gentler mood (i3na
pra|o/teroj h]|); for if you can
persuade him (w(j e0a\n
pei/sh|j tou=ton), you will do a
good turn to the people of Athens also (e1stin o3 ti kai\ A0qhnai/ouj o0nh/seij).’
What is now Meno himself persuaded of?
He is persuaded that Plato, a statesman, is capable of making a statesman of
another.
That Meno in the end proved not to be up
to the task – the task of becoming, or trying to become, a philosopher
statesman in Thessaly – that he betrayed Plato and himself, that was Meno’s
tragedy.
In
the Anabasis, Xenophon ends his account of Meno with ‘the facts which
everybody knows’ (a4
de\ pa/ntej i1sasi ta/d’ e0sti/): ‘From
Aristippus he secured, while still in the bloom of his youth, an appointment as
general of his mercenaries’ (para\
A0risti/ppou me\n e1ti w(rai=oj w@n strathgei=n diepra/cato tw~n ce/nwn, II. 28); incidentally, in the opening speech in
the Meno, Socrates alludes to Aristippus as Meno’s lover (o9 so\j e0rasth\j A0ri/stippoj, 70b4-5, e9tai=roj 70b2).
It
seems that securing the leadership of Aristippus’ mercenaries was not an easy
task; Xenophon mentions that Cyrus was already several days on his march ‘when
Menon the Thessalian arrived, with a thousand hoplites and five hundred
peltasts’ (kai\ h[ke
Me/nwn o9 Qettalo\j o9pli/taj e1xwn xili/ouj kai\ peltasta\j pentakosi/ouj, I. ii. 6).
Of
Meno’s betrayal of the Greek mercenaries Xenophon spoke just after the capture of
the Greek generals in the tent of Tissaphernes, and the slaughter of the Greek
captains in front of his tent. Persian messengers said that “Clearchus (Kle/arxoj me/n), men of Greece (w} a1ndrej E!llhnej), inasmuch as he was shown to be perjuring himself
(e0pei\ e0piorkw~n
te e0fa/nh) and violating the truce (kai\ ta\j sponda\j lu/wn), has received his deserts (e1xei th\n di/khn) and is dead (kai\ te/qnhke),
but Proxenus and Menon (Pro/cenoj
de\ kai\ Me/nwn), because
they gave information about his plotting, are held in high honour’ (o3ti kath/ggeilan au0tou= th\n e0piboulh/n,
e0n mega/lh| timh=| ei0sin) (II. v. 38).
In fact, Clearchus was not dead, but held captive; it is not difficult to guess
why the Persian messengers declared him to be dead. I have not emphasized
Proxenus in bold, for there are good reasons for exculpating him from the betrayal
of the Greeks; unlike Meno, Proxenus was beheaded like Clearchus and the other
captured generals.
But
let me return to Xenophon’s narrative of ‘the facts which everybody knows’
about Meno: ‘Now when Menon’s fellow-generals were put to death (a0poqnh|sko/ntwn de\ tw~n sustrath/gwn) for joining Cyrus for his expedition against
the King (o3ti e0stra/teusan
e0pi\ basile/a su\n Ku/rw|), he, who had
done the same thing, was not so treated (tau0ta\ pepoihkw_j ou0k a0pe/qane),
but it was after the execution of the other generals (meta\ de\ tw~n a1llwn qa/naton tw~n
strathgw~n) that the King visited the punishment
of death upon him (timwrhqei\j
u9po\ basile/wj a0pe/qanen); and he
was not, like Clearchus and the rest of the generals, beheaded (ou0x w#sper Kle/arxoj kai\ oi9 a1lloi
strathgoi\ a0potmhqe/ntej ta\j kefala/j)
– a manner of death which is counted speediest (o3sper ta/xistoj qa/natoj dokei= ei]nai) – but, report says, was tortured alive for a
year and so met the death of a scoundrel (a0lla\ zw~n ai0kisqei\j e0niauto\n w(j ponhro\j le/getai th=j
teleuth=j tuxei=n).’
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