In the Republic, in defence of his statement that
States will not cease to be governed badly until philosophers become rulers or
rulers philosophers (473c11-e5), Socrates depicted the personality traits of a
true philosopher: he has great intellect and has all moral virtuous (489e-491b).
But then he pointed out that in States governed badly young people thus endowed
are prone to corruption (491b-c): ‘Will not such a one from his early childhood
be in all things first among all (Oukoun
euthus en paisin ho toioutos prȏtos estai en hapasin), especially if his bodily
endowments are like his mental ones (allȏs te kai ean to sȏma phuêi prospherês têi psuchêi, 494b5-6)? … And his friends and
fellow citizens (hoi te oikeioi kai hoi
politai) will want to use him, I think (boulêsontai dê oimai autȏi chrêsthai), as he gets older (epeidan presbuteros gignêtai), for
their own purposes (epi ta hautȏn pragmata,
494b8-10) … And what will a man such as he is be likely to do under such
circumstances (Ti oun oiei ton toiouton
en tois toioutois poiêsein), especially if he be a citizen of a
great city (allȏs te kai ean tuchêi megalês poleȏs ȏn), rich and
noble (kai en tautêi plousios te kai gennaios), and a tall proper youth (kai eti eueidês te kai megas)? Will he not be full of boundless aspirations
(ar’ ou plêrothêsesthai amêchanou elpidos), and fancy himself able to manage
the affairs of Hellenes and of barbarians (hêgoumenon kai ta tȏn Hellênȏn kai ta tȏn barbarȏn hikanon esesthai prattein), and having got such notions into his head will he not
dilate and elevate himself (kai epi
toutois hupsêlon exairein hauton) in the fullness of vain pomp and
senseless pride (schêmatismou kai phronêmatos kenou aneu nou
empimplamenon,
494c4-d2)? … And even if there be someone who through inherent goodness (Ean d’ oun dia to eu pephukenai) and
natural reasonableness (kai to sungenes tȏn logȏn) has had his eyes opened a little (eisaisthanêtai te pêi) and is
humbled (kai kamptêtai) and drawn
towards philosophy (kai helkêtai pros philosophian), how will his friends behave when they think that they are likely to
lose the advantage which they were hoping to reap from his companionship (ti oiometha drasein ekeinous tous hêgoumenous apollunai autou tên chreian te kai
hetairian)? Will
they not do and say anything to prevent him from yielding to his better nature
and to render his teacher powerless (ou
pan men ergon, pan d’ epos legontas te kai prattontas kai peri auton, hopȏs an mê peisthêi, kai peri ton peithonta), using to this end private intrigues as well as public
prosecutions (kai idiai epibouleuontas
kai dêmosiai eis agȏnas kathistantas, 494d9-e7)? … And how can one who is
thus circumstanced ever become a philosopher (Estin oun hopȏs ho toioutos philosophêsei, 495a2)?’
(Tr. Jowett)
Yet Plato
believed that there was an exception; during his first journey to Sicily he
associated with Dion, who was then a youth, instructing him in what he believed
was best for mankind (ta dokounta emoi
beltista anthrȏpois einai mênuȏn): ‘Dion (Diȏn men gar dê) being quick-witted (eumathês ȏn), both in
other respects (pros te t’alla) and
in grasping the arguments I then put forward (kai pros tous tote hup’ emou logous genomenous), hearkened to me
with a keenness and ardour (houtȏs oxeȏs hupêkouse kai sphodra) that I have never found in any of the youth whom I have met (hȏs oudeis pȏpote hȏn egȏ prosetuchon neȏn); and he determined to live the rest
of his life (kai ton epiloipon bion zên êthelêsen) in a
different manner from the majority of the Italians and Sicilians (diapherontȏs tȏn pollȏn Italiȏtȏn te kai Sikeliȏtȏn), counting
virtue worthy of more devotion than pleasure and all other kinds of luxury (aretên peri pleionos hêdonês tês te allês truphês êgapêkȏs).’ (Seventh Letter 327a1-b4, tr. Bury)
Dion appears
to have been well acquainted with Plato’s Republic,
as it transpires from his entreaty addressed to Plato after the death of
Dionysius the Elder. Plato says that Dion ‘came to the belief (meta de touto dienoêthê) that this belief [i.e. the belief that only a State ruled
by philosophers can be governed well], which he himself had acquired through
right instruction, would not always be confined to himself (mê monon en hautȏi pot’ an genesthai tatên tên dianoian, hên autos hupo tȏn orthȏn logȏn eschen); and
in fact he saw it being implanted in others also (engignomenên de autên kai en allois horȏn katenoei) – not in many, it is true (pollois men ou), but yet implanted in
some (gignomenên d’ oun en tisin); and of these he thought that Dionysius (with Heaven’s help) might
become one (hȏn kai Dionusion hêgêsato hena genesthai tach’ an sumballontȏn tȏn theȏn), and that, if he did become a man
of this mind (genomenou d’ au tou
toioutou), both his own life (ton te
autou bion) and that of all the rest of the Syracusans (kai ton tȏn allȏn Surakousiȏn) would, in consequence, be a life of
immeasurable felicity (amêchanon an makariotêti sumbênai genomenon).
Moreover (pros dê toutois),
Dion considered that I ought, by all means, to come to Syracuse with all speed (ȏiêthê dein ek pantos tropou
eis Surakousas hoti tachista elthein eme) to be a partner in this task (koinȏnon toutȏn), since he
bore in mind our intercourse with one another (memnêmenos tên te hautou kai emên sunousian) and how happily it had wrought on
him to acquire a longing (hȏs eupetȏs exêrgasato eis epithumian elthein auton) for the noblest and the best life (tou kallistou te kai aristou biou); and
if now, in like manner, he could effect this result in Dionysius (ho dê kai nun ei diapraxaito
en Dionusiȏi), as he was trying to do (hȏs epecheirêse), he had
great hopes (megalas elpidas eichen) of
establishing the blissful and true life throughout all the land (bion an eudaimona kai alêthinon en pasêi têi chȏrai kataskeuasai) (Seventh Letter 327b7-d6) … And he dwelt in detail on the extent of
the empire in Italy and Sicily and his own power therein (katalegȏn de tên archên tês Italias kai Sikelias kai tên hautou dunamin en
hautêi), and the
youth of Dionysius, mentioning also how great a desire he had for philosophy
and education (kai tên neotêta kai tên epithumian tên Dionusiou,
philosophias te kai paideias hȏs echoi sphodra legȏn), and he
spoke of his own nephews and connexions (tous
te hautou adelphidous kai tous oikeious), and how they would be not only
easily converted themselves to the doctrines and the life I always taught (hȏs eu paraklêtoi eien pros ton hup’ emou legomenon aei logon kai bion), but also most useful in helping to
influence Dionysius (hikanȏtatoi te Dionusion sumparakalein); so that now, if ever (hȏste eiper pote kai nun), all our hopes will be fulfilled (elpis pasa apotelesthêsetai) of seeing the same persons at once
philosophers and rulers of mighty States (tou
tous autous philosophous te kai poleȏn archontas megalȏn sumbênai genomenous, Seventh
Letter 327e5-328b1).’ (Tr. Bury)
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