3 My correspondence with Octopus - clever octopus

The preceding entry on My correspondence with Octopus illustrates octopus' claim that they 'continually review my account balance and monthly payments to help keep my account on track'. I intended to send a photocopy of it to the Heads of the Departments at Charles University in Prague. I photocopied the piece; when I printed it, I've got the following:

'2  My correspondence with Octopus

January 2025:

Important: Let's get your monthly payments right."

my electricity supplier. 

of Money Expert informing me that they made the switch, as requested.

Thank you for using MoneyExpert powered by SimplySwitch to switch your Gas &

But back to octopus. In their letter of the beginning of January 2025 - their letter is

"We continually review your account balance and monthly payments to help keep your

We recommend monthly payments of £350.69. This includes:

* £69.11 per month until January 2026 to get your balance to a healthy position"

any notice of the fact that as of December 2nd 2024 I stopped having my daily baths in 7am, i.e. to the time when using electricity is cheaper).'

Needless to say, I cannot send this eviscerated version to the Heads of the Departments at Charles University.

Clever Octopus.

2 My correspondence with Octopus

Disregarding my email of December 2nd, octopus wrote to me at the beginning of January 2025:

"Hi,

Important: Let's get your monthly payments right."

Clearly, octopus took no notice of my email in which I informed them that I had changed my electricity supplier. 

More disturbingly, my change of electricity supplier did not take place, and that in spite of Money Expert informing me that they made the switch, as requested.

MoneyExpert emailed me on December 4, 2024: 'Dear Julius Tomin,

Thank you for using MoneyExpert powered by SimplySwitch to switch your Gas & Electricity.'

But back to octopus. In their letter of the beginning of January 2025 - their letter is undated - they write:

"We continually review your account balance and monthly payments to help keep your account on track.

We recommend monthly payments of £350.69. This includes:

* £281.58 per month to cover your future energy costs

* £69.11 per month until January 2026 to get your balance to a healthy position"

Obviously, in their 'continually reviewing my account balance' octopus have not taken any notice of the fact that as of December 2nd 2024 I stopped having my daily baths in day time, turning all electricity demanding activities to night time (from midnight to 7am, i.e. to the time when using electricity is cheaper).

In the meantime, my use of electricity use changed even further. I had a fall, badly injuring my right hand wrist, so that I can't use the bath tub. 

1 My correspondence with Octopus

“Hello Octopus,

I've found today on my Imbox your mistaken claim: 'we'll collect your monthly Direct Debit payment of £320.65 on 2nd January.'

You collected your last Direct Debit payment on 2nd December. The payment was excessive, I changed the supplier to Gas and Electricity.”

What made my electricity consumption excessive? For the last three years, my water is barely lukewarm when I turn the ‘hot water’ on. Prior to December 2^nd, before going to bed I shaved and had a bath. To make the water bearably warm I filled with water the electrical jug which I normally use for making my tea – I let the ‘hot water’ running on minimum, and as the bath tub was slowly filling, I was bringing jug after jug of almost boiling water to the bath tub; I always filled the jug to its full capacity, 1.7L. Since it was happening in the evening, on daytime electricity tariff, it must have been pretty expensive. I simply could not go on like that.

The changes I have made are drastic. I’ve begun to make my daily shavings and baths strictly in the night-time, after midnight and before 7 in the morning, and no hot water added. I can do it, for instead of soap I use a cream, which I quickly wash off and jump up from the tub.

Clearly, my electricity consumption must have dropped considerably.

It would be great if somebody came and looked at the temperature of the water in which I am thus compelled to shave, wash myself, and wash my dishes.

34 Xenophon’s Anabasis

When the officers had got to their several positions (Epei d’ en tais chórais hekastoi egenonto) and had formed their companies in column, (kai tous lochous orthious epoiésanto) the result was about eighty companies of hoplites (egenonto men lochoi tón hoplitón amphi tous ogdoékonta) with each company numbering close upon one hundred (ho de lochos hekastos schedon eis tous hekaton) [A total of 8000 as compared with the original strength of 11,700] the peltasts and the bowmen, on the other hand, they formed in three divisions (tous de peltastas kai tous toxotas trichéi epoiésanto), one beyond the left wing of the hoplites (tous men tou euónumou exó), the second beyond the right (tous de tou dexiou), and the third in the centre (tous de kata meson), each division numbering about six hundred men (schedon hexakosious hekastous) [One thousand eight hundred as compared with an original 2300] After this the generals passed along the order to offer prayer (ek toutou parénguésan hoi stratégoi euchesthai), and when they had prayed and sang the paean  they set forth (euxamenoi  de kai paianisantes eporeuonto). Now Cheirisophus and Xenophon and the peltasts with them got beyond the wings of the enemy’s line in their advance (kai Cheirisophos men kai Xenophón kai hoi met’ autois peltastai tés tón polemión phalangos exó genomenoi eporeuonto); and when the enemy saw this (hoi de polemioi hós eidon autous), they ran out, some to the right and others to the left, to confront them, with the result that their line was pulled apart (antiparatheontes hoi men epi to dexion hoi de peri to euónumon diespasthésan) and a large portion of it in the centre was left deserted (kai polu tés hautón phalangos en tói mesói kenon epoiésan). Then the peltasts of the Arcadian division (hoi de kata to Arkadikon peltastai), who were commanded by Aeschines the Acarnanian (hón érchen Aischinés ho Akarnan), getting the idea that the enemy were in flight (nomisantes pheugein), set up a shout and began to run (anakragontes etheon); and they were the first to reach the summit of the mountain (kai houtoi prótoi epi to oros anabainousi), while following close after them came the Arcadian division of hoplites (sunepheipeto de autois kai to Arkadikon hoplitikon), under the command of Cleanor of Orchomenus (hón érche Kleanór ho Orchomenios). As for the enemy (hoi de polemioi), once the peltasts began to run (hós érxanto thein) they no longer stood their ground (ouketi hestésan), but betook themselves hither and thither in flight (alla phugéi allos alléi etrapeto).

After accomplishing the ascent (Hoi de Hellénes anabantes) the Greeks took up quarters in numerous villages (estratepeudonto en pollais kómais), which contained provisions in abundance (kai t’apitédeia polla echousais). Now for the most part there was nothing here which they really found strange (kai ta men alla ouden ho ti kai ethaumasan); but the swarms of bees in the neighbourhood were numerous (ta de sméné polla én autothi), and the soldiers who ate of the honey all went off their heads (kai tón kérión hosoi ephagon tón stratiótón pantes aphrones te egignonto), and suffered from vomiting and diarrhoea (kai émoun kai kató diechórei autois), and not one of them could stand up (kai orthos oudeis edunato histasthai), but those who had eaten a little were like people exceedingly drunk (all’ hoi men oligon edédokotes sphodra methuousin eóikesan), while those who had eaten a great deal seemed like crazy (hoi de polu mainomenois), or even, in some cases, dying men (hoi de kai apothnéiskousin). So they lay there in great numbers as though the army had suffered a defeat (ekeinto de houtó polloi hósper tropés gegenémenés), and great despondency prevailed (kai pollé én athumia). On the next day, however, no one had died (téi d’ husteraiai apethane men oudeis), and at approximately the same hour as they had eaten the honey they began to come to their senses (amphi de tén autén pós hóran anephronoun); and on the third or fourth day they got up (tritéi de kai tetartéi anistanto), as if from a drugging (hósper ek pharmakoposias).

From here they marched two stages, seven parasangs (Enteuthen d’ eporeuthésan duo stathmous parasangas hepta), and reached the sea at Trapezus (kai élthon epi thalattan eis Trapezounta), an inhabited Greek city on the Euxine Sea (polin Hellénida oikoumenén en tói Euxeinói Pontói), a colony of the Sinopeans in the territory of Colchis (Sinópeón apoikian en téi Kolhón chórai). There they remained about thirty days in the villages of the Colchians (entautha emeinan hémeras amphi tas triakonta en tais tón Kolchón kómais), and from these as a basis plundered Colchis (k’anteuthen hormémenoi eléizonto tén Kolchida). And the Trapezuntians supplied a market for the army (agoran de pareichon tói stratopedói Trapezountioi), received the Greeks kindly (kai edexanto te tous Hellénas), and gave them cattle, barley-meal, and wine as gifts of hospitality (kai xenia edosan bous kai alphita kai oinon). They likewise took part in negotiations with the Greeks (sundieprattonto de kai) in behalf of the near-by Colchians (huper tón plésion Kolchón), who dwelt for the most part on the plain (tón en tói pediói malista oikountón), and from these people the Greeks also received hospitable gifts of cattle (kai xenia kai par ekeinón élthon boes).

After this they made ready the sacrifice which they had vowed (Meta de touto tén thusian hén éuxanto pareskeuazonto); and a sufficient number of cattle had come to them so that they could pay Zeus thanks for their deliverance (élthon d’ autois hikanoi boes apothusai tói Dii sótéria), to Heracles for guidance (kai tói Héraklei hégemosuna), and to the other gods according as they had vowed (kai tois allois theois ha éuxanto). They instituted also athletic games on the mountain side (epoiésan de kai agóna gumnikon en tói orei), just where they were incamped (enthaper eskénoun); and they chose Dracontius, a Spartan (heilonto de Drakontion Spartiatén), who had been exiled from home as a boy (hos ephuge pais ón oikothen) because he had accidentally killed another boy with the stroke of a dagger (paida akón katakanón xuéléi pataxas), to look out for a race-course (dromou t’ epimeléthénai) and to act as manager of the games (kai tou agónos prostatésai). When, accordingly, the sacrifice had been completed (epeidé de hé thusia egeneto), they turned over the hides [Brownson notes: ‘The hides of the sacrificial victims, which were to be offered as prises for the games. Cp. Iliad, X 159.] to Dracontius (ta dermata paredosan tói Drakontiói) and bade him lead the way to the place he had fixed upon for his race-course (kai hégeisthai ekeleuon hopou ton dromon pepoiékós eié). He pointed out the precise spot where they were chanced to be standing, and said (ho de deixas houper hestékotes etunchanon), “This hill is superb for running, wherever you please (Houtos ho lophos, ephé, kallistos trechein hopou an tis boulétai).” “How, then,” they said, “can men wrestle on ground so hard ad overgrown as this? (Pós oun, ephasan, dunésontai palaiein en sklérói kai dasei houtós;)” And he replied, “The one that is thrown will be hurt a bit more (ho d’ eipe, Mallon aniasetai ho katapesón).” The events were (égónizonto de), a stadium race for boys, most of them belonging to the captives (paides men stadion tón aichmalótón hoi pleistoi), a long race, in which more than sixty Cretans took part (dolichon de Krétes pleious é hexékonta), wrestling, boxing, and the pancratium (palén de kai pugmén kai pankration) [‘A combination of boxing and wrestling’, notes Brownson on pankration]; and it made a fine spectacle (kai kalé thea egeneto); for there were a great many entries (polloi gar katebésan) and, inasmuch as the comrades of the contestants were looking on (kai hate theómenón tón hetairón), there was a great deal of rivalry (pollé philonikia egigneto). There were horse-races also (etheon de kai hippoi), and the riders had to drive their horses down a steep slope (kai edei autous kata tou pranous elasantas), turn them around on the shore (en téi thalattéi apostrepsantas), and bring them back to the altar (palin pros ton bómon agein) [The altar (bómos) on which the sacrifices had been offered served as a starting point for the races, notes Brownson]. And on the way down most of the horses rolled over and over (kai kató men hoi polloi ekulindounto), while on the way up (anó de), against the exceedingly steep incline (pros to ischurós orthion), they found it hard to keep on at a walk (mogis badén eporeuonto hoi hippoi); so there was much shouting and laughter and cheering (entha pollé kraugé kai gelós kai parakeleusis egigneto).

33 Xenophon’s Anabasis

From there the Greeks marched through the country of the Macronians three stages, ten parasangs (Enteuthen d’ eporeuthésan hoi Hellénes dia Makrónón stathmous treis parasangas deka). On the first of these days (téi prótéi de hémerai) they reached the river (aphikonto epi ton potamon) which separated the territory of the Macronians from that of the Scythinians (hos hórize tén tón Makrónón kai tén tón Skythinón). There they had on the right, above them (eichon d’ huper dexión), an exceedingly difficult bit of ground (chórion hoson chalepótaton), and on the left another river (kai ex aristeras allon potamon), into which the boundary stream that they had to cross emptied (eis hon enebalen ho horizón). Now this stream was fringed with trees (én de houtos dasus dendresi), not large ones, but of thick growth (pachesi men ou, puknois de), and when the Greeks came up (taut’ hote prosélthon hoi Hellénes), they began felling them in their haste to get out of the place as speedily as possible (ekopton, speudontes ek tou chóriou hós tachista exelthein). But the Macronians, armed with wicker shields and lances and hair tunics (hoi de Makrónes echontes gerra kai lonchas kai trichinous chitónas), were drawn up in line of battle opposite the place where the Greeks must cross (kat’ antiperan tés diabaseós paratetagmenoi ésan), and they were cheering one another on and throwing stones, which fell into the stream (kai allélois diekeleuonto kai lithous eis ton potamon erripton); for they never reached the Greeks or did them any harm (exiknounto gar ou oud’ eblapton ouden).

At this moment one of the peltasts came up to Xenophon (Entha dé proserchetai Xenophónti tón peltastón), a man who said that he had been a slave at Athens (anér Ahénési phaskón dedouleukenai), with word that he knew the language of the people (legón hoti gignóskoi tén phónén tón anthrópón); “I think,” he went on, “that this is my native country (kai oimai, ephé, emén tautén patrida einai), and if there is nothing to hinder (kai ei mé ti kóluei), I should like to have a talk with them (etheló autois dialechthénai).” “Well, there is nothing to hinder,” said Xenophon (all’ ouden kóluei, ephé); “so talk with them, and learn, to begin with, who they are (alla dialegou kai mathe próton tines eisi).” In reply to his inquiry they said. “Macronians (hoi d’ eipon erótésantes hoti Makrónes).” “Well then,” said Xenophon, “ask them why they are arrayed against us (Eróta toinun, ephé, autous ti antitetachatai) and want to be our enemies (kai chréizousi hémin polemioi einai).” They replied, “Because you are coming against our land (hoi d’ apekrinanto Hoti humeis epi tén hémeteran chóran erchesthe).” The generals directed the man to say (legein elegon hoi stratégoi), “We have not come to do you any harm whatever (hoti ou kakós ge poiésontes), but we have been at war with the King and are on our way back to Greece (alla basilei polemésantes aperchometha eis tén Hellada), and we want to reach the see (kai epi thalattan boulometha aphikesthai).” The Macronians asked whether they would give pledges to this effect (érótón ekeinoi ei doien an toutón ta pista). They replied that they were ready both to give and to receive pledges (hoi d’ ephasan kai dounai kai labein ethelein). Thereupon the Macronians gave the Greeks a barbarian lance (enteuthen didoasi hoi Makrónes barbarikén lonchén tois Hellésin) and the Greeks gave them a Greek lance (hoi de Hellénes ekeinois Hellénikén), for the Macronians said that these were pledges; and both sides called the gods to witness (tauta gar ephasan pista einai, theous de epemarturanto amphoteroi).

After this exchange of pledges the Macronians began to help the Greeks to cut down the trees (Meta de ta pista euthus hoi Makrónes ta dendra sunexekopton) and to build the road in order to get them across (tén te hodon ódopoioun hós diabibasontes), mingling freely with the Greeks (en mesois anamemeigmenoi tois Hellési); and they supplied as good a market as they could (kai agoran hoian edunanto epoioun), and conducted the Greeks on their way for three days (kai parégagon en trisin hémerais), until they brought them to the boundaries of the Colchians (heós epi ta Kolchón horia katestésan tous Hellénas). At this place was a great mountain (entautha én oros mega), and upon this mountain the Colchians were drawn up in line of battle (kai epi toutou hoi Kolchoi paratetagmenoi ésan). At first the Greeks formed an opposing line of battle (kai to men próton hoi Hellénes antiparetaxanto phalanga), with the intention of advancing in this way upon the mountain (hós houtós axontes pros to oros), but afterwards the generals decided to gather together (epeita de edoxe tois stratégois bouleusasthai sullegeisin) and take counsel as to how they could best make the contest (hopós hós kallista agóniountai).

Xenophon accordingly said that in his opinion (Elexen oun Xenophón hoti dokoié) they should give up the line of battle (pausantas tén phalanga) and form the companies in column (lochous orthious poiésai). “For the line, “he continued, “will be broken up at once (hé men gar phalanx diaspasthésetai euthus); for we shall find the mountain hard to traverse at some points and easy at others (téi men gar anodon téi de euodon heurésomen to oros); and the immediate result will be discouragement (kai euthus touto athumian poései), when men who are formed in line of battle see the line broken up (hotan tetagmenoi eis phalanga tautén diespasmenén horósi). Furthermore, if we advance upon them formed in a line many ranks deep (epeita an men epi pollón tetagmenoi prosagómen), the enemy will outflank us (peritteusousin hémón hoi polemioi), and will use their outflanking wing for whatever purpose they please (kai tois perittois chrésontai ho ti an boulóntai); on the other hand, if we are formed in a line a few ranks deep (ean de ep’ oligón tetagmenoi ómen), it would be nothing surprising if our line should be cut through (ouden an eié taumaston ei diakopeié hémón hé phalanx) by a multitude both of missiles and men falling upon us in a mass (hupo hathroón kai belón kai anthrópón pollón empesontón); and if this happens at any point (ei de péi touto estai), it will be bad for the whole line (téi holéi phalangi kakon estai). But it seems to me we should form the companies in column (alla moi dokei orthious tous lochous poiésamenous) and, by leaving spaces between them, cover enough ground so that the outermost companies could get beyond the enemy’s wings (tosouton chórion kataschein dialipontas tois lochois hoson exó tous eschatous genesthai tón polemión keratón); in this way not only shall we outflank the enemy’s line (kai houtós esometha tés te tón polemión phalangos exó), but advancing in column our best men will be in the van of the attack (kai orthious agontes hoi kratistoi hémón prótoi prosiasi), and wherever it is good going (héi te an euodon éi), there each captain will lead forward his men (tautéi hekastos axei ho lochagos). And it will not be easy for the enemy to push into the space between the columns (kai eis te to dialeipon ou raidion estai tois polemiois eiselthein) when there are companies on this side and that (enthen kai enthen lochón ontón), and not any easier for him to cut through a company that is advancing in column (diakopsai te ou raidion estai lochon orthion prosionta). Again, if any one of the companies is hard pressed (an te tis piezétai tón lochón), its neighbour will come to its aid (ho plésion boéthései); and if one single company can somehow climb to the summit (én te heis péi dunéthéi tón lochón epi to akron anabénai), not a man of the enemy will stand any longer (oudeis méketi meinéi tón polemión).”

This plan was decided upon (tauta edoxe), and they proceeded to form the companies in column (kai epoioun orthious tous lochous). And as Xenophon was going from the right wing to the left (Xenophón de apión epi to euónumon apo tou dexiou), he said to the troops (elege tois stratiótais): “Soldiers, these men yonder whom you see (andres, houtoi eisin hous horate) are the only ones who still stand in our way of being forthwith at the place we have long been striving to reach (monoi eti hémin empodón to mé édé einai entha palai speudomen); if we possibly can, we must simply eat these fellows raw (toutous, én pós dunómetha, kai ómous dei kataphagein). [C.L. Brownson, the translator notes: ‘A phrase as old as Homer, D 35’]

32 Xenophon’s Anabasis

From there they marched through the land of the Chalybians seven stages, fifty parasangs (Enteuthen eporeuthésan dia Chalubón stathmous hepta parasangas heptékonta). These were the most valiant of all the peoples they passed through (houtoi ésan hón diélthon alkimótatoi), and would come to hand-to-hand encounter (kai eis cheiras éisan). They had corselets of linen reaching down to the groin (eichon de thórakas linous mechri tou étrou), with a thick fringe of plaited cords instead of flaps (anti de tón pterugón sparta pukna estrammena). They had greaves also and helmets (eichon de kai knémidas kai krané), and at the girdle a knife about as long as a Laconian dagger (kai para tén zónén machairion hoson xuélén Lakónikén), with which they would slaughter whomever they might be able to vanquish (hói esphatton hón kratein dunainto); then they would cut off their heads and carry them along on their march (kai apotemnontes an tas kephalas echontes eporeuonto), and they would sing and dance whenever they were likely to be seen by the enemy (kai éidon kai echoreuon hopote hoi polemioi autous opsesthai emellon). They carried also a spear about five cubits long, with a point at only one end (eichon de kai doru hós pente pécheón mian lonchén echon). These people would stay within their towns (houtoi enemenon en tois polismasin), and when the Greeks passed by, they would follow them (epei de parelthoien hoi Hellénes, heiponto), always ready to fight (aei machoumenoi). Their dwellings were in strongholds (óikoun de en tois ochurois), and therein they had stored away all their provisions (kai ta epitédeia en toutois anakekomismenoi ésan); hence the Greeks could get nothing in this country (hóste méden lambanein autothen tous Hellénas), but they had subsisted on the cattle they had taken from the Taochians (alla dietraphésan tois kténesin ha ek tón Taochón elabon). Leaving this land, the Greeks arrived at the Harpasus river (ek toutón hoi Hellénes aphikonto epi ton Harpason potamon), which was four plethra in width (euros tettarón plethrón). From there they marched through the territory of the Scythinians four stages, twenty parasangs (enteuthen eporeuthésan dia Skuthinón stathmous tettaras parasangas eikosi), over a level plain, and they arrived at some villages (dia pediou eis kómas), and there remained for three days and collected provisions (en hais emeinan hémeras treis kai epesitisanto).

From there they journeyed four stages, twenty parasangs (Enteuthen diélhon stathmous tettaras parasangas eikosi), to a large and prosperous inhabited city which was called Gymnias (pros polin megalén kai eudaimona kai oikoumenén hé ekaleito Gumnias). From this city the ruler of the land sent the Greeks a guide (ek tautés ho tés chóras archón tois Hellésin hégemona pempei), in order to lead them through territory that was hostile to his own (hopós dia tés heautón polemias chóras agoi autous). When the guide came (elthón ekeinos), he said that he would lead them within five days to a place from which they could see the sea (legei hoti axei autous pente hémerón eis chórion hothen opsontai thalattan); if he failed to do so, he was ready to accept death (ei de mé, tethnanai epéngeilato). Thus taking the lead (kai hégoumenos), as soon as he had brought them into the hostile territory (epeidé enebalen eis tén polemian), he kept urging them to spread abroad fire and ruin (parekeleueto aithein kai phtheirein tén chóran), thereby making it clear that it was with this end in view that he had come (hói kai deilon egeneto hoti toutou heneka elthoi), and not out of good-will toward the Greeks (ou tés tón Hellénón eunoias). On the fifth day they did in fact reach the mountain (kai aphiknountai epi to oros téi pemptéi hémerai); its name was Theches (onoma de tói orei én Théchés). Now as the vanguard got to the top of the mountain (epei de hoi prótoi egenonto epi tou orous), a great shout went up (kraugé pollé egeneto). And when Xenophon and the rearguard heard it (akousas de ho Xenophón kai hoi opisthophulakes), they imagined that other enemies were attacking in front (óiéthésan emprosthen allous epitithesthai polemious); for enemies were following behind them from the district that was in flames (heiponto gar opisthen ek tés kaiomenés chóras), and the rearguard had killed some of them and captured others by setting an ambush (kai autón hoi opisthophulakes apekteinan te tinas kai ezógrésan enedran poiésamenoi), and had also taken about twenty wicker shields covered with raw, shaggy ox-hides (kai gerra elabon daseión boón ómoboeia amphi ta eikosin). But as the shout kept getting louder and nearer (epeidé de boé pleión te egigneto kai enguteron), as the successive ranks that came up all began to run at full speed toward the ranks ahead that were one after another joining in the shout, and as the shout kept growing far louder as the number of men grew steadily greater, it became quite clear to Xenophon that there was something of unusual importance (kai hoi aei epiontes etheon dromói epi tous aei boóntas kai pollói meizón egigneto hé boé hosói dé pleious egignonto, edokei dé meizon ti einai tói Xenophónti); so he mounted a horse (kai anabas eph’ hippon), took with him Lycius and the cavalry, and pushed ahead to lend aid (kai Lukion kai tous hippeas analabón pareboéthei); and in a moment they heard the soldiers shouting, “The Sea! The Sea!” and passing the word along (kai tacha dé akouousi boóntón tón stratiótón Thalatta thalatta kai parenguóntón). Then all the troops of the rearguard likewise broke into a run (entha dé etheon pantes kai hoi opisthophulakes), and the pack animals began racing ahead and the horses (kai ta hupozugia élauneto kai hoi hippoi). And when all had reached the summit (epei de aphikonto pantes epi to akron), then indeed they fell into embracing one another (entautha dé perieballon allélous), and generals and captains as well (kai stratégous kai lochagous), with tears in their eyes (dakruontes). And on a sudden (kai exapinés), at the bidding of some one or other (hotou dé parenguésantos), the soldiers began to bring stones and to build a big cairn (hoi stratiótai pherousi lithous kai poiousi kolónon megan). Thereon they placed as offerings a quantity of raw ox-hides and walking sticks and the captured wicker shields (entautha anetithesan dermatón pléthos ómoboeión kai baktérias kai ta aichmalóta gerra); and the guide not only cut these shields to pieces himself (kai ho hégemón autos te etemne ta gerra), but urged the others to do so (kai tois allois diekeleueto). After this the Greeks dismissed the guide with gifts from the common stock – a horse, a silver cup, a Persian dress, and ten darics (meta tauta ton hégemona hoi Hellénes apopempousi dóra dontes apo koinou hippon kai phialén arguran kai skeuén Persikén kai dareikous deka); but what he particularly asked the men were their rings (éitei de malista tous daktulious), and he got a considerable number of them (kai elabe pollous para tón stratiótón). Then he showed them a village to encamp in (kómén de deixas autois hou skénésousi) and the road they were to follow to the country of Macronians (kai tén hodon hén poreusontai eis Makrónas), and, as soon as evening came, took his departure (epei hespera egeneto, óicheto apión).

31 Xenophon’s Anabasis

Thereupon Cheirisophus and Xenophon set forth (Enteuthen eporeuonto Cheirisophos kai Xenophón), and with them Callimachus of Parrhasia, a captain (kai Kallimachos Parrasios lochagos); for he was the officer of the day in command of the captains of the rearguard (toutou gar hégemonia én tón opisthophulakón lochagón ekeinéi téi hémerai); and the other captains remained in a place of safety (hoi de alloi lochagoi emenon en tói asphalei). Following this lead about seventy men got out under shelter of the trees (meta touto oun apélthon hupo ta dendra anthrópoi hós hebdomékonta), not all together, but one by one (ouch hathrooi alla kath’ hena), each protecting himself as best he could (hekastos phulattomenos hós edunato). But Agasias of Stymphalus and Aristonymus of Methydrium, who were likewise captains of the rearguard (Agasias de ho Stumphalios kai Aristónumos Methudrieus, kai houtoi tón opisthophulakón lochagoi ontes), and others also, took places outside the cover of the trees (kai alloi de, ephestasan exó tón dendrón), for not more than one company could stand among them with safety (ou gar én asphalós en tois dendrois hestanai pleon é ton hena lochon). At that moment Callimachus hit upon a scheme (entha dé Klallimachos méchanatai ti); he would run forward two or three steps from the particular tree he was under and (proutrechen apo tou dendrou huph’ hói én autos duo é tria bémata), when the stones began to fly, would draw back without any trouble (epeidé de hoi lithoi pherointo, anechazen eupetós); and at every one of his dashes more than ten cart-loads of stones would be used up (eph’ hekastés de tés prodromés pleon é deka hamaxai petrón anéliskonto). But when Agasias saw what Callimachus was doing (ho de Agasias hós horai ton Kallimachon ho epoiei), with the whole army of spectators (to strateuma pan theómenon), he became fearful that the other would be the first to make the run across to the stronghold (deisas mé houtos prótos paradraméi eis to chórion); so without asking Aristonymus or Eurylochus of Lusi (though the former was close by and both were his friends) or any one else to join him (ou ton Aristónumon plésion onta parakalesas oude Eurulochon ton Lousiea oude allon oudena), he dashed forward himself and proceeded to go past everybody (chórei autos kai parerchetai pantas). Callimachus however, when he saw him going by (ho de Kallimachos hós horai auton parionta), seized the rim of his shield (epilambanetai autou tés ituos); and at that moment Aristonymus of Methydrium ran past both of them (en de toutói parathei autous Aristónumos Methudrieus), and upon his heels Eurylochus of Lusi (kai meta touton Eurulochos Lousieus). For all these four were rivals in valour and continually striving with one another (pantes  gar houtoi antepoiounto aretés kai diégonizonto pros allélous); and in thus contending they captured the stronghold (kai houtós erizontes hairousi to chórion), for once they had rushed in not a stone came down from above (hós gar hapax eisedramon, oudeis petros anóthen énechthé).

Then came a dreadful spectacle (Entautha dé deinon én theama): the women threw their children down from the rocks (hai gar gunaikes riptousai ta paidia) and then threw themselves down after them (eita heautas epikaterriptoun), and the men did likewise (kai hoi andres hósautós). In the midst of this scene Aeneas of Stymphalus, a captain (entautha dé kai Aineias Stumphalios lochagos), catching sight of a man, who was wearing a fine robe, running to cast himself down (idón tina theonta hóAs ripsonta heauton stolén echonta kalén), seized hold of him in order to stop him (epilambanetai hós kólusón); but the man dragged Aeneas along after him (ho de auton epispatai), and both went flying down the cliffs and were killed (kai amphoteroi óichonto kata tón petrón pheromenoi kai apethanon). In this stronghold a very few human beings were captured (enteuthen anthrópoi men panu oligoi eléphthésan), but they secured cattle and asses in large numbers and sheep (boes de kai onoi polloi kai probata).