6 Xenophon’s Anabasis

Then Xenophon arose, and as a first step, called together the captains of Proxenus. When they had gathered, he said: “Gentlemen (andres lochagoi), I am unable either to sleep, as I presume you are also, or to lie still any longer, when I see in what straits we now are (horón en hoiois esmen). For the enemy manifestly did not begin open war upon us until the moment when they believed that their own preparations had been adequately made; but on our side no one is planning any counter-measures at all to ensure our making the best possible fight. And yet if we submit and fall into the King’s hands, what do we imagine our fate is to be? Even in the case of his own brother, and, yet more, when he was already dead, this man cut off his head and his hand and he impaled them; as for ourselves, then, who have none to intercede for us, and who took the field against him with the intention of making him a slave rather than a king and of killing him if we could, what fate may we expect to suffer? Will he not do his utmost to inflict upon us the most outrageous tortures, and thus make all mankind afraid ever to undertake an expedition against him? We, then, must make every effort not to fall into his power.

“For my part, as long as the truce lasted I never ceased commiserating ourselves and congratulating the King and his followers; for I saw plainly what a great amount of fine land they possessed, what an abundance of provisions, what quantities of servants, cattle, gold, and apparel; but whenever I took thought of the situation of our soldiers, I saw that we had no share in these good things, except we bought them, I knew there were but a few of us who still had money wherewith to buy, and I knew that our oaths restrained us from getting provisions in any other way than by purchase. Hence, with these considerations in mind, I used sometimes to fear the truce more than I now fear the war. But seeing that their own act put an end to the truce, the end has likewise come, in my opinion, both of their arrogance and of our embarrassment. For now all these good things are offered as prizes for whichever of the two parties shall prove to be the braver men; and the judges of the contest are the gods, who, in all likelihood, will be on our side. For our enemies have sworn falsely by them, while we, with abundant possessions in front of our eyes, have steadfastly kept our hands therefrom because of our oaths by the gods; hence we, I think, can go into the contest with far greater confidence than can our enemies. Besides, we have bodies more capable of baring cold and heat, and toil, and we likewise, by the blessing of the gods, have better souls; and these men are more liable than we to be wounded and killed, if the gods again, as on that former day (hósper to prosthen), grant us victory.

“And now, since it may be that others also have these same thoughts in mind, let us not, in the name of the gods, wait for others to come to us and summon us to the noblest deeds, but let us take the lead ourselves and arouse the rest to the valour. Show yourselves the best of the captains, and more worthy to be generals than the generals themselves. As for me, if you choose to set out upon the course, I am ready to follow you; but if you assign me the leadership, I believe I am in the very prime of my power to ward off dangers from my own head.”

5 Xenophon’s Anabasis

Xenophon resumes his narrative of what happened after Tissaphernes imprisoned Clearchus and the other four Greek generals, Proxenos the Boeotian, Menon the Thessalian, Agias the Arcadian, and Socrates the Achaean:

Now when the time of perplexity came (epei de aporia én), Xenophon was distressed as well as everybody else and was unable to sleep; but, getting at length a little sleep (mikron d’ hupnou lachón), he had a dream (eiden onar). It seemed to him that there was a clap of thunder and a bolt fell on his father’s house, setting the whole house ablaze. He woke at once in great fear (periphobos euthus égerthé), and judged the dream in one way an auspicious one, because in the midst of hardships and perils he had seemed to behold a great light from Zeus; but looking at it in another way he was fearful, since the dream came, as he thought, from Zeus the King and the fire appeared to blaze all about, lest he might not be able to escape out of the King’s country, but might be shut in all sides by various difficulties. Now what it really means one can learn  from the events which followed the dream – and they were these: - and they were these: Firstly, on the moment of his awakening the thought occurred to him: “Why do I lie here? The night is wearing on, and at the daybreak it is likely the enemy will be upon us. And if we fall into the King’s hands, what is there to prevent our living to behold the most grievous sights and to experience all the most dreadful sufferings, and then to be put to death with insult? As for defending ourselves, however, no one is making preparations or taking thought of that, but we lie here just as if it were possible to enjoy our ease. What about myself, then? From what state (ek poias poleós) am I expecting the general to come who is to perform these duties (stratégon posdokó tauta praxein;)? And what age must I myself wait to attain? (poian d’ hélikian emautói elthein anamenói;) For surely I shall never be any older, if this day I give myself up to the enemy.”

4 Xenophon’s Anabasis

There was a man in the army named Xenophon, an Athenian, who was neither general nor captain nor private, but had accompanied the expedition because Proxenus, an old friend of his, had sent him at his home an invitation to go with him; Proxenus had also promised him that, if he would go, he would make him a friend of Cyrus, whom he himself regarded, so he said, as worth more to him than his native state (hon autos ephé kreittó heautói nomizein tés patridos). After reading Proxenus’ letter Xenophon conferred with Socrates [The philosopher, whose follower and friend Xenophon had been from his youth, notes Brownson, the translator], the Athenian, about the proposed journey; and Socrates, suspecting that his becoming a friend of Cyrus might be a cause for accusation against Xenophon on the part of the Athenian government, for the reason that Cyrus was thought to have given the Lacedaemonians zealous aid in the war against Athens, advised Xenophon to go to Delphi and consult the god in regard to this journey. So Xenophon went and asked Apollo to what one of the gods he should sacrifice and pray in order best and most successfully to perform the journey which he had in mind and, after meeting with good fortune, to return home in safety; and Apollo in his response told him to what gods he must sacrifice. When Xenophon came back from Delphi, he reported the oracle to Socrates (legei tén manteian tói Sókratei); and upon hearing about it (ho d’ akousas) Socrates found fault with him (étiato auton) because he did not first put the question whether it were better for him to go or stay, but decided for himself that he was to go and then asked the god as to the best way of going. “However,” he added, “since you did put the question in that way, you must do all that the god directed.”

Xenophon, accordingly, after offering the sacrifices to the gods that Apollo’s oracle prescribed (thusamenos hois aneilen ho theos), set sail (exeplei), overtook Proxenus and Cyrus at Sardis as they were on the point of beginning the upward march (mellontas édé horman tén anó hodon), and was introduced to Cyrus.

***

Brownson notes in the ‘Introduction‘ to his translation: ‘The verb anabainein, lit. “to go up,” was used of any journey from the sea coast to the higher lands of the interior, but more especially of the famous route from the Greek coast of Asia Minor to the Persian capital, Susa. Hence the noun anabasis – “Anabasis.”

***

And not only did Proxenus urge him to stay with them, but Cyrus also joined in this request, adding that as soon as the campaign came to an end, he would send Xenophon home at once; and the report was that the campaign was against the Pisidians (elegeto de ho stolos einai eis Pisidas).

3 Xenophon’s Anabasis

After the generals had been seized and such of the captains and soldiers as accompanied them had been killed, the Greeks were naturally in great perplexity (en polléi de aporiai ésan hoi Hellénes), reflecting that they were at the King’s gates, that round about them on every side were many hostile tribes and cities, that no one would provide them with market any longer, that they were distant from Greece no less than ten thousand stadia, that they had no guide to show them the way, that they were cut off by impassable rivers which flowed across the homeward route (potamoi de dieirgon adiabatoi en mesói tés oikade hodou), that the barbarians who had made the upward march with Cyrus had also betrayed them (proudedókesan de autous kai hoi sun Kyrói anabantes barbaroi). Full of these reflections (taut’ ennooumenoi) and despondent as they were (kai athumós echontes), but few of them tasted food at evening, few kindled a fire, and many did not come that night to their quarters, but lay down wherever they each chanced to be, unable to sleep for grief and longing for their native states and parents, their wives and children, whom they thought they should never see again (hous oupot’ enomizon eti opsethai). Such was the state of mind (houtó men dé diakeimenoi) in which they all lay down to rest (pantes anepauonto).

2 Xenophon’s Anabasis

Xenophon opens the Anabasis as follows:

‘Darius [the King] and Parysatis had two sons born to them, of whom the elder was Artaxerxes and the younger Cyrus. Now when Darius lay sick and suspected that the end of his life was near (kai hupópteue teleutén tou biou), he wished to have both his sons with him (ebouleto tó paide amphoteró pareinai) … When Darius had died and Artaxerxes had become established as king, Tissaphernes falsely accused Cyrus to his brother of plotting against him. And Artaxerxes, believing the accusation, arrested Cyrus, with the intention of putting him to death; his mother, however, made intercession for Cyrus, and sent him back again to his province.’

It is interesting to note that Parysatis, the mother of the two, wielded a great power. One would expect that Parysatis interceded for Cyrus with Artaxerxes, his older brother, the King, and that it was Artaxerxes who then sent Cyrus back to his province. But no, it was Parysatis who sent Cyrus back to his province (hé de métér exaitésamené auton apopempei palin epi tén archén).

‘Now when Cyrus had thus returned, after his danger (kinduneusas) and disgrace (kai atimastheis), he set about planning that he might never again be in the power of his brother, but, if possible, might be king in his stead. He had, in the first place, the support of his mother, for she loved him better than the son who was the king, Artaxerxes. Again, when any of the King’s court came to visit him, he treated them all in such a way that when he sent them back they were more devoted to him than to the King. He also took care that the barbarians of his own province should be capable soldiers and should feel kindly towards him. Lastly, as regards his Greek force, he proceeded to collect it with the utmost secrecy, so that he might take the King as completely unprepared as possible.’

Cyrus directed Proxenus and other commanders of the Greek mercenaries to come to him with as many men as they could get, saying that he wished to undertake a campaign against the Pissidians, because, as he said, they were causing trouble to his province. But when Cyrus and his army reached Tarsus on the river Euphrates, they remained there for twenty days, ‘for the soldiers refused to go any further; for they suspected by this time that they were going against the King, and they said they had not been hired for that. Clearchus tried to force his men to go on, but they pelted him and his pack animals with stones, and at that time Clearchus narrowly escaped being stoned to death. When he realised that he could not accomplish anything by force, he called a meeting.

But as for Menon, before it was clear what the rest of the soldiers would do, that is whether they would follow Cyrus or not, he gathered together his own troops apart from the others and spoke as follows:

“Soldiers, if you will obey me, you will, without either danger (oute kinduneusantes) or toil (oute ponésantes), be honoured by Cyrus above and beyond the rest of the troops (tón allón pleon protimésesthe stratiótón hupo Kurou). What then, do I direct you to do? At this moment Cyrus is begging the Greeks to follow him against the King; my own plan, then, is, that you should cross the Euphrates river before it is clear what answer the rest of the Greeks will make to Cyrus. For if they vote to follow him, it is you who will get the credit for that decision because you began the crossing, and Cyrus will not only feel grateful to you, regarding you as the most zealous in his cause, but he will return the favour – and he knows how to do that if any man does; on the other hand, if the rest vote not to follow him, we shall all go back together, but you, as the only ones who were obedient (hós monois peithomenois), are the men he will employ, not only for the garrison duty (eis phrouria) but for captaincies (eis lochagias); and whatever else you may desire, I know that you, as friends of Cyrus, will secure from him.” Upon hearing these words the soldiers were persuaded, and made the crossing before the rest gave their answer. When Cyrus learned that they had crossed, he was delighted … to Menon himself Cyrus was said to have sent magnificent gifts.’

This passage indicates why the King chose Meno, from among the imprisoned generals, for special treatment: ‘tortured alive for a year, Meno met the death of a scoundrel’.

 

1 Xenophon’s Anabasis

After narrating Tissaphernes’ imprisonment of the Greek generals, Xenophon gives a brief portrait of each imprisoned general. On Meno he begins with his personal view of him:

‘Menon the Thessalian was manifestly eager for enormous wealth – eager for command in order to get more wealth and eager for honour in order to increase his gains; and he desired to be a friend to the men who possessed greatest power in order that he might commit unjust deeds without suffering the penalty.’

Eagerness for command and for honour as such were not blame-worthy in Xenophon’s eyes. What was wrong with Meno was his subjugation of these aims to his eagerness for enormous wealth. This comes to the fore if we compare Xenophon’s portrait of Meno with his portrayal of Clearchus, the unelected leader of the Greek mercenaries:

‘Clearchus by common consent … was both fitted for war and fond of war to the last degree. For as long as the Lacedaemonians [the Spartans] were at war with the Athenians, he bore his part with them; then, as soon as the peace had come, he persuaded his state that the Thracians were injuring the Greeks [‘i.e. the Greek colonists in the Thracian Chersonese’, notes Brownson, the translator], and, after gaining this point as best he could from the effors [‘The effors, five in number, were the ruling officials in Sparta’, notes Brownson], set sail with the intention of making war upon the Thracians who dwelt beyond the Chersonese and Perinthus. When, however, the effors changed their minds – after he had already gone, they tried to turn him back from the Isthmus of Corinth –  at that point he declined to render further obedience, but went sailing off to Hellespont. As a result he was condemned to death by the authorities of Sparta on the ground of disobedience to orders. Being now an exile he came to Cyrus, Cyrus gave him ten thousand darics, and he, upon receiving this money, did not turn his thoughts to comfortable idleness, but used it to collect an army and proceeded to make war upon the Thracians, and he kept up the war until Cyrus wanted his army,’

But let me return to Meno. Reflecting on his personal account of the man, Xenophon says:

‘To be sure, in matters that are not manifest [ta aphané] one may be mistaken about him, but the facts which everybody knows about him [ha de pantes isasi] are the following. From Aristippus he secured, while still in bloom of his youth, an appointment as general of his mercenaries [In Plato’s Meno Socrates speaks of Aristippus as Meno’s lover: ho sos erastés Aristippos (70b5).]; with Ariaeus, who was a barbarian [the most trusted general under Cyrus’ command], he became extremely intimate for the reason that Ariaeus was fond of beautiful youths; and lastly, he himself, while still beardless, had a bearded favourite (paidika) named Tharypas. Now when his fellow-generals were put to death for joining Cyrus in his expedition against the King, he, who has done the same thing, was not so treated, but it was after the execution of the other generals that the King visited the punishment of death upon him; and he was not, like Clearchus and the rest of the generals, beheaded – a manner of death which is counted speediest – but, report says, was tortured alive for a year (aikistheis eniauton) and so met the death of a scoundrel (hós ponéros legetai tés teleutés tuchein).’

This needs explanation, for right after Tissaphernes imprisoned the Greek generals, Meno was proclaimed a benefactor of the Persians. Ariaeus, Tissaphernes’ messenger, said: ‘Clearchus, men of Greece, inasmuch as he was shown to be purjuring himself and violating the truce, has received his deserts and is dead, but Proxenus and Menon, because they gave information of his plotting, are held in great honour. What made him a scoundrel, tortured alive for a year before being put to death?

What did Tissaphernes expect to gain by imprisoning the generals of the Greek mercenaries? He sent Ariaeus to the Greeks with the following message: ‘The King demands your arms; for he says that they belong to him, since they belonged to Cyrus, his slave.’ This was nothing new. He sent the same message to the Greeks after the death of Cyrus. At that point Clearchus replied: ‘In our view, if we are to be friends of the King, we should be more valuable friends if we keep our arms than if we give them up to someone else, and if we are to wage war with him, we would wage war better if we keep our arms than if we give them up to someone else.’ The scheme was clever; if it succeeded, its lesson would have been unmistakable: ‘If you enter the Persian empire desirous to conquer the King, you end up at best as his mercenaries.’

Xenophon replied to Ariaeus as  follows: ‘Well then, if Clearchus was really transgressing the truce in violating his oaths, he has his deserts, for it is right that perjurers should perish; but as for Proxenus and Menon, since they are your benefactors and our generals, send them hither, for it is clear that, being friends of both parties, they will endeavour to give both you and ourselves the best advice.’  To this the barbarians made no answer, but, after talking for a long time with one another, they departed.

Why?

I would like to send my daughter a simple message: ' I've just had a very pleasant after-midnight walk'.

But my computer does not allow me to send any emails.