Xenophon says in Anabasis II.vi.28-29: ‘To be sure, in matters that are doubtful (Kai\ ta\ me\n dh\ a0fanh=) one may be mistaken about him (e1cesti peri\ au0tou= yeu/desqai), but the facts which everybody knows are the following (a4 de\ pa/ntej i1sasi ta/d’ e0sti/). From Aristippus he secured, while still in the bloom of youth, an appointment as general of his mercenaries (para\ Aristi/ppou me\n e1ti w(rai=oj w@n strathgei=n diepra/cato tw~n ce/nwn); with Ariaeus, who was a barbarian (A0riai/w| de\ barba/rw| o1nti), he became extremely intimate for the reason that Ariaeus [general under Cyrus] was fond of beautiful youths (o3ti meiraki/oij a0gaqoi=j h3deto, oi0keio/tatoj e0ge/neto); and, lastly, he himself while still beardless, had a bearded favourite named Tharypas (au0to\j de\ paidika\ ei]xe Qaru/pan a0ge/nioj w@n geneiw~nta). Now when his fellow-generals were put to death for joining Cyrus in his expedition against the King (a0poqnh|sko/ntwn de\ tw~n sustrath/gwn o3ti e0stra/teusan e0pi\ basile/a cu\n Ku/rw|),), he, who had done the same thing, was not so treated (tau0ta\ pepoihkw_j ou0k a0pe/qane), but it was after the execution of the other generals that the King visited the punishment of death upon him; and he was not, like Clearchus and the rest of the generals, beheaded (meta\ de\ tw~n a1lllwn strathgw~n timwrhqei\j u9po\ basile/wj a0pe/qanen, ou0x w#sper Kle/arxoj kai\ oi9 a1lloi strathgoi\ a0poqmhqe/ntej ta\j kefala/j) – a manner of death which is counted speediest (o3sper ta/xistoj qa/natoj dokei= ei]nai) – but, report says, was tortured alive for a year and so met the death of a scoundrel (a0lla\ zw~n ai0kisqei\j e0niauto\n w(j ponhro\j le/getai th=j teleuth=j tuxei=n).’
Why was this
terrible death imposed on Meno?
Xenophon narrates that when Cyrus’ army reached the river Euphrates,
the mercenaries were refusing to cross the river; they were hired to march against
rebellious tribes, not against the King. The men decided to have an assembly in
which to decide what to do. ‘But as for Menon (Me/nwn de/), before it was clear (pri\n dh=lon
ei]nai) what the rest of
the soldiers would do (ti/ poih/swsi oi9 a1lloi stratiw~tai), that is, whether they would follow
Cyrus or not (po/teron e3yontai Ku/rw| h2 ou1), he gathered together his own troops (sune/lece to\
au9tou= stra/teuma) apart
from the others (xwri\j tw~n a1llwn) and spoke as follows (kai\ e1lece ta/de): “Soldiers (A1ndrej), if you will obey me (e0a/n moi peisqh=te), without either danger or toil (ou1te kinduneu/santej
ou1te ponh/santej), you
will be honoured by Cyrus above and beyond the rest of the troops (tw~n a1llwn
ple/on protimh/sesqe stratiwtw~n u9po\ Ku/rou). What, then, do I direct to do (ti/ ou]n keleu/w
poih=sai;)? At this
moment Cyrus is begging the Greeks to follow him against the King (nu=n dei=tai Ku=roj
e3pesqai tou\j E#llhnaj e0pi\ basile/a); my own plan, then (e0gw_ ou]n fhmi), is that you should cross the
Euphrates river (u9ma=j xrh=nai diabh=nai to\n Eu0fra/thn potamo/n) before it is clear (pri\n dh=lon
ei]nai) what answer the
rest of the Greeks will make to Cyrus (o3 ti oi9 a1lloi E#llhnej a0pokrinou=ntai
Ku/rw|). For if they
vote to follow him (h]n me\n ga\r yhfi/swntai e3pesqai), it is you who will get the credit for
that decision (u9mei=j do/cete ai1tioi ei]nai) because you began the crossing (a1rcantej tou=
diabai=nein), and Cyrus
will not only feel grateful to you, regarding you as the most zealous in his
cause, but he will return the favour (kai\ w(j proqumota/toij ou]sin u9mi=n xa/rin
ei1setai Ku=roj kai\ a0podw&sei) – and he knows how to do that if any man does (e0pi/statai d’ ei1 tij kai\
a1lloj); on the other
hand, if the rest vote not to follow him (h2n de\ a0poyhfi/swntai oi9 a1lloi), we shall all go back together (a1pimen me\n
a3pantej tou1mpalin),
but you, as the only ones who were obedient (u9mi=n de\ w(j mo/noij peiqome/noij), are the men he will employ, not
only for garrison duty, but for captaincies (xrh/setai kai\ ei0j frou/ria kai\
ei0j loxagi/aj); and
whatever else you may desire (kai\ a1llou ou[tinoj a2n de/hsqe), I know that you, as friends of
Cyrus, will secure from him (oi]da o3ti w(j fi/loi teu/cesqe Ku/rou).” Upon hearing these words (a0kou/santej
tau=ta) the soldiers
were persuaded (e0pei/qonto), and made the crossing (kai\ die/bhsan) before the rest gave their answer (pri\n tou\j
a1llouj a0pokri/nasqai).
When Cyrus learned that they had crossed (Ku=roj d’ e0pei\ h1|sqeto
diabebhko/taj), he was
delighted (h3sqh te) and sent
Glus to the troops with this message (kai\ tw|~ strateu/mati pe/myaj Glou=n ei]pen): “Soldiers, today I commend you (E)gw_ me/n, w}
a1ndrej, h1dh u9ma=j e0painw~); but I shall see to it that you also shall have cause to commend me (o3pwj de\ kai\
u9mei=j e0me\ e0paine/sete e0moi\ melh/sei), else count me no longer Cyrus (h1 mhke/ti me
Ku=ron nomi/zete).” So
Menon’s troops cherished high hopes (oi9 me\n dh\ stratiw~tai e0n e0lpi/si
mega/laij o1ntej) and
prayed that he might be successful (hu1xonto au0to\n eu0tuxh=sai), while to Menon himself Cyrus was
said to have sent magnificent gifts besides (Me/nwni de\ kai\ dw~ra e0le/geto
pe/myai megaloprepw~j).
(Anabasis I.iv.13-17, tr. Carleton L. Brownson)
PS
Information about all this must have reached the Greeks well
before Socrates’ trial. How is it possible that nobody seems to have realised
that Plato could not have written the Meno after all this became known
in Greece? That all this became known in Greece is not just a speculation. There
is a long passage in the Anabasis about Falinus, who was sent by the
King to ask the Greek army to give up their arms (II.i. 7-23). Klearchos, the
Spartan leader of the Greek army, asked Falinus to give them his honest advice:
‘And you know (oi]sqa de/) that any advice you may give will certainly be reported in Greece (o3ti a0na/gkh
le/gesqai e0n th=| E(lla/di a4 a2n su\ sumbouleu/shj).’ (II.i. 17)
But I believe that Plato must have written the Meno before
he learnt that Meno was appointed as general of the mercenaries of Thessaly. Why? Plato wrote the Meno in the belief
that Meno aspired to become Philosopher-King of Thessaly. What entitles me to this
claim? Let me refer to Meno 3, to what I say there about the philosophic
mysteries to which Meno is to be initiated, if he is to stay in Athens long
enough. Meno: ‘But I should stay, Socrates, if you would say to me many such things
(ei1
moi polla\ toiau=ta le/goij).’ Socrates: ‘Well then, I will spare no endeavour, both for your sake
and for my own, to say such things (le/gwn toiau=ta).’ (Meno 77a1-4)
Closely connected with the talk about philosophic mysteries, to
which Meno is to be initiated, is the closing discussion. Since no leading
politician, not even Pericles, could pass on to their progeny their own political
excellence, Socrates viewed their political virtues as a gift of god.
Socrates: At this moment, if through all this discussion our
queries and statements were correct, virtue is found to be neither natural nor
taught, but is imparted to us by a divine dispensation without understanding in
those who receive it, unless there should be someone among the statesmen
capable of making a statesman of another. And if there should be any such,
he might fairly be said to be among the living what Homer says about Teiresias
was among the dead – “He alone has comprehension; the rest are flitting shades.”
In the same way he on earth, in respect of virtue, will be a real substance
among shadows.
Meno: I think you put it excellently, Socrates.
Socrates: It is now time for me to go my way, but do you
persuade our friend Anytus of that whereof you are now yourself persuaded, so
as to put him in a gentler mood; for if you can persuade him, you will do a
good turn to the people of Athens also.
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