15 Xenophon’s Anabasis

When they had come to their quarters, the troops were busy about provisions, but the generals and captains gathered in council. And here there was great despondency (kai entautha pollé aporia én). For on one side of them were exceedingly high mountains and on the other side a river so deep that not even their spears reached above water when they tried its depth. In the midst of their perplexity (aporoumenois d’ autois) a Rhodian came to them and said: “I stand ready, gentlemen (ó andres), to set you across the river (diabibasai humas), four thousand hoplites at a time, if you provide me with the means that I require (an emoi hón deomai hupéretéséte) and give me a talent for pay (kai talanton misthon poriséte).” Upon being asked what his requirements were (erótómenos de hotou deoito), he replied: “I shall need two thousand skins. I see plenty of sheep and goats and cattle and asses; take off their skins and blow them up, and they would easily provide the means of crossing. I shall want also the girths which you use on the beasts of burden; with these I shall tie the skins to one anther and also moor each skin by fastening stones to the girths and letting them down into the water like anchors; then I shall carry the line of skins across the river, make it fast at both ends, and pile on brushwood and earth. As for your not sinking, then (hoti men oun ou katadusesthe), you may be sure in an instant on that point (autika mala eisesthe), for every skin will keep two men from sinking; and as regards slipping (hóste de mé olisthanein), the brushwood and earth will prevent that (hé hulé kai hé gé schései).”

After hearing these words the generals thought that while the idea was a clever one (to men enthuméma charien edokei einai), the execution of it was impossible (to d’ ergon adunaton). For there were people on the other side of the river to thwart it, a large force of horsemen, namely (ésan gar hoi kólusontes peran polloi huppeis), who at the very outset would prevent the first comers from carrying any part of the plan (hoi euthus tois prótois ouden an hupetrepon toutón poiein).

Under these circumstances (Entautha) they marched all the next day in the reverse direction, going back to the unburned villages, after burning the one from which they withdrew. The result was that, instead of making an attack, the enemy merely gazed at the Greeks (hóste hoi polemioi ou prosélaunon, alla etheónto), and appeared to be wondering (kai homoioi ésan thaumazousin) where in the world they would turn (hopoi pote trepsontai hoi Hellénes) and what they had in mind (kai ti en nói echoien). At the close of the day (Entautha), while the rest of the army went after provisions (hoi men alloi stratiótai epi ta epitédeia éisan), the generals held another meeting (hoi de stratégoi palin sunélthon), at which they brought together the prisoners that had been taken (kai sunagagontes tous halókotas) and enquired of them about each district of all the surrounding country (élenchon tén kuklói pasan chóran tis hekasté eié).

14 Xenophon’s Anabasis

When the Greeks became aware that they [i.e. the Persians] were desirous of withdrawing and were passing the word along, the order to pack up the luggage was proclaimed to the Greek troops within hearing of the enemy. For a time the barbarians delayed their setting out, but when it began to grow late, they went off; for they thought it did not pay to be on the march and arriving at their camp in the night. When the Greeks saw at length that they were manifestly departing, they broke camp and took the road themselves, and accomplished a march of no less than sixty stadia. Thus the two armies got so far apart that on the next day the enemy did not appear, nor on the third; on the fourth day, however, after pushing forward by night the barbarians occupied a high position on the right of the road by which the Greeks were to pass, a spur of the mountain, namely, along the base of which ran the route leading down into the plain.

As soon as Cheirisophus observed that the spur was already occupied, he summoned Xenophon from the rear, directing him to come to the front and bring the peltasts with him. Xenophon, however, would not bring the peltasts, for he could see Tissaphernes and his whole army coming into view [i.e. from the rear, notes Brownson, the translator]; but he road forward himself and asked, “Why are you summoning me (Ti kaleis;)?” Cheirisophus replied, “It is perfectly evident (Exestin horan); the hill overhanging our downward road has been occupied, and there is no getting by unless we dislodge these people. Why did you not bring the peltasts?” Xenophon answered that he had not thought it best to leave the rear unprotected when hostile troops were coming into sight. “Well, at any rate,” said Cheirisophus, “it is high time to be thinking how we are to drive these fellows from the hight.” Then Xenophon observed that the summit of the mountain was close above their own army and that from this summit there was a way of approach to the hill where the enemy were; and he said, “Our best plan (Kratiston), Cheirisophus (ó Cheirisophe), is to drive with all speed for the mountain top (hémin hiesthai hós tachista epi to akron); for if we once get the possession of that (én gar touto labómen), those men above our road will not be able to hold their position (ou dunésontai menein hoi huper tés hodou). If you choose, then, stay in command of the army, and I will go; or, if you prefer, you make for the mountain top, and I will stay here.” “Well,” said Cheirisophus, “I leave it to you to choose whatever part you wish.” Then Xenophon with the remark that he was younger, elected to go (haireitai poreuesthai), but he urged Cheirisophus to send with him some troops from the front (keleuei de hoi sumpempsai apo tou stomatos andras); for it would have been too long a journey to bring up men from the rear (apo tés ouras). Cheirisophus accordingly sent with him the peltasts at the front, replacing them with those that were inside the square; he also ordered the three hundred picked men under his own command at the front of the square to join Xenophon’s force (sunepesthai ekeleusen autói kai tous triakosious hous autos eiche tón epilektón epi tói stomati tou plaisiou).

Then they set out with all possible speed. But no sooner had the enemy upon the hill observed their dash for the summit of the mountain than they also set off, to race with the Greeks for this summit. Then there was a deal of shouting from the Greek army as they urged on their friends, and just as much shouting from the Tissaphernes’ troops to urge on their men. And Xenophon, riding along the lines upon his horse, cheered his troops forward: “My good men,” he said, “believe that now you are racing for Greece, racing this very hour back to your wives and children, a little toil for this one moment (nun oligon ponésantes) and no more fighting for the rest of your journey (amachei tén loipén poreusometha).” But Soteridas the Sicyonian said: “We are not on an equality, Xenophon; you are riding on horseback, while I am desperately tired with carrying my shield.” When Xenophon heard that, he leaped down from his horse and pushed Soteridas out of his place in the line, then took his shield away from him and marched on with it as fast as he could; he had also, as it happened, his cavalry breastplate, and the result was that he was heavily burdened. And he urged the men in front of him to keep going, while he told those who were behind to pass along by him, for he found it hard to keep up. The rest of the soldiers, however, struck and pelted and abused Soteridas until they forced him to take back his shield and march on. Then Xenophon remounted, and as long as riding was possible, led the way on horseback, but when the ground became too difficult, he left his horse behind and hurried forward on foot. And they reached the summit before the enemy.

Then it was that the barbarians turned about and fled, every man for himself, while the Greeks held possession of the summit. As for the troops under Tissaphernes and Ariaeus, they turned off by another road and were gone; and the army under Cheirisophus descended into the plain and proceeded to encamp in a village stored with abundant supplies. There were likewise many other villages richly stored with supplies in this plain on the banks of the Tigris. When it came to be late in the day, all of a sudden the enemy appeared in the plain and cut to pieces some of the Greeks who were scattered about in quest of plunder (kath‘ harpagén); in fact, many herds of cattle had been captured while they were being taken cross to the other side of the river. Then Tissaphernes and his followers attempted to burn the villages; and some of the Greeks got exceedingly despondent, out of apprehension that they would not have a place from which to take provisions in case the enemy should succeed in this attempt. Meanwhile Cheirisophus and his men, who had gone to the rescue of the plunderers, were returning; and when Xenophon had come down from the mountain, he rode along the lines upon falling in with the Greeks of the rescuing party and said: “Do you observe, men of Greece, that they admit the country is now ours? For while they stipulated when they made the treaty that there should be no burning of the King’s territory, now they are doing that very thing themselves, as though the land was another’s. At any rate, if they leave supplies anywhere for their own use, they shall behold us also proceeding to that spot. But, Cheirisophus,” he went on, “it seems to me that we ought to sally forth against these incendiaries, like men defending their own country.” “Well, it does not seem so to me,” said Cherisophus; “rather, let us set about burning ourselves, and then they will stop the sooner.”

 

 

13 Xenophon’s Anabasis

For the rest of the day the one army continued its march and the other its pursuit (Kai to loipon tés hémeras hoi men eporeuonto, hoi d’ heipointo). And the barbarians were no longer able to do any harm by their skirmishing at long range; for the Rhodian slingers carried father with their missiles than the Persians, farther even than the Persian bowmen. The Persian bows are also large, and consequently the Cretans could make good use of all the arrows that fell into their hands; in fact, they were continually using the enemy’s arrows, and practiced themselves in long-range work by shooting them into the air. In the villages, furthermore, the Greeks found gut in abundance and lead for the use of their slingers. As for that day’s doings, when the Greeks came upon some villages and proceeded to encamp, the barbarians withdrew, having had the worst of it in the skirmishing. The following day the Greeks remained quiet and collected supplies, for there was an abundance of corn in the villages. On the day thereafter they continued their march through the plain, and Tissaphernes hung upon their rear and kept up skirmishing.

Then it was that the Greeks found out that a square is a poor formation when an enemy is following. For if the wings draw together, either because the road is unusually narrow or because mountains or a bridge make it necessary, it is inevitable that the hoplites should be squeezed out of line and should march with difficulty, inasmuch as they are crowded together and are likewise in confusion; the result is that, being in disorder, they are of little service. Furthermore, when the wings draw apart again, those who were lately squeezed out are inevitably scattered, the space between the wings is left unoccupied, and the men affected are out of spirits when an enemy is close behind them. Again, as often as the army had to pass over a bridge or make any other crossing, every man would hurry, in the desire to be the first one across and that gave the enemy a fine chance to make an attack. When the generals came to realise these difficulties, they formed six companies of a hundred men each and put a captain at the head of each company, adding also platoon and squad commanders. Then in case the wings drew together in the march, these companies would drop back, so as not to interfere with the wings, and for the time being would move behind the wings; an when the flanks of the square drew apart again, they would fill up the space between the wings, by companies in case this space was rather narrow, by platoons in case it was broader, or, if it was broad, by squads – the idea being, to have the gap filled up in any event. Again, if the army had to make some crossing or to pass over a bridge, there was no confusion, but each company crossed over in its turn; and if any help was needed in any part of the army, these troops would make their way to the spot. In this fashion the Greeks proceeded four stages.

In the course of the fifth stage they caught sight of a palace of some sort (basileion ti), with many villages round about it, and they observed that the road to this place passed over high hills, which stretched down from the mountain, at whose foot the villages were situated. And the Greeks were well pleased to see the hills, as was natural considering that the enemy’s force was the cavalry; when, however, in their march out of the plain they had mounted to the top of the first hill, and were descending it, so as to ascend he next, at this moment the barbarians came upon them and down from the hilltop discharged their missiles and sling-stones and arrows, fighting under the lash (etoxeuon hupo mastigón). They not only inflicted many wounds, but they got the better of the Greek light troops and shut them up within the lines of the hoplites, so that these troops, being mingled with the non-combatants, were entirely useless throughout that day, slingers an bowmen alike. And when the Greeks, hard-pressed as they were, undertook to pursue the attacking force, they reached the hilltop but slowly, being heavy troops, while the enemy sprang quickly out of reach; and every time they returned from a pursuit to join the main army, they suffered again in the same way. O the second hill the same experiences were repeated, and hence after ascending the third hill they decided not to stir the troops from its crest until they led up a force of peltasts from the right flank of the square to a position on the mountain. As soon as this force had got above the hostile troops that were hanging upon the Greek rear, the latter desisted from attacking the Greek army in its descent, for fear that they might be cut off and find themselves enclosed on both sides by their foes. In this way the Greeks continued their march for the remainder of the day, the one division by the road leading over the hills while the other followed a parallel course along the mountain slope, and so arrived at the villages. There they appointed eight surgeons, for the wounded were many.

In these villages they remained for three days, not only for the sake of the wounded, but likewise because they had provisions in abundance – flour, wine, and great stores of barley that had been collected for horses, all these supplies having been gathered together by the acting satrap of the district. On the fourth day they proceeded to descend into the plain. But when Tissaphernes and his command overtook them, necessity taught them to encamp in the first village they caught sight of, and not to continue the plan of marching and fighting at the same time; for a large number of the Greeks were hors de combat, not only the wounded, but also those who were carrying them and the men who took charge the arms of these carriers. When they had encamped, and the barbarians, approaching toward the village, essayed to attack them at long range, the Greeks had much the better of it; for to occupy a position and therefrom ward off an attack was a very different thing from being on the march and fighting with the enemy as they followed after.

As soon as it came to be late in the afternoon, it was time for the enemy to withdraw. For in no instance did the barbarians encamp at a distance less than sixty stadia from the Greek camp, out of fear that the Greeks might attack them during the night. For a Persian army at night is a sorry thing. Their horses are tethered, and usually hobbled also to prevent their running away if they get lose from the tether, and hence in case of any alarm a Persian has to put saddle cloth and bridle on his horse, and then has also to put on his own breastplate and mount his horse – and all these things are difficult at night and in the midst of confusion. It was for this reason that the Persians encamped at a considerable distance from the Greeks.

12 Xenophon’s Anabasis

Here again there was a despondency. And Cheirisophus and the eldest of the generals found fault with Xenophon for leaving the main body of the army to undertake a pursuit, and thus endangering himself without being able, for all that, to do the enemy any harm. When Xenophon heard their words, he replied that they were right in finding fault with him, and that the outcome bore witness of itself for their view. “But,” he continued, “I was compelled to pursue when I saw that by keeping our places we were suffering severely and were still unable to strike a blow ourselves. As to what happened, however, when we did pursue, you are quite right: we were no better able to inflict harm upon the enemy, and it was only with the utmost difficulty that we affected our own withdrawal. Let us thank the gods, therefore, that they came not with a large force, but with a handful, so that without doing us any great damage they have revealed our needs. For at present the enemy can shoot arrows and sling stones so far that neither our Cretan bowmen nor our javelin men can reach them in reply; and when we pursue them, a long chase, away from our main body, is out of the question, and in a short chase no foot-soldier, even if he is swift, can overtake another foot-soldier who has a bow-shot start of him. Hence, if we should propose to put an end to the possibility of their harming us on our march, we need slingers ourselves at once, and horsemen also. Now I am told that there are Rhodians in our army, that most of them understand the use of the sling, and that their missile carries no less than twice as far as the Persian slings. For the latter have only short range because the stones that are used in them are as large as the hand can hold; the Rhodians, however, are versed also in the art of slinging leaden bullets. If, therefore, we should ascertain who among them possess slings, but likewise pay anyone who is willing to plait new ones, and if, furthermore, we should devise some sort of exemption for the man who will volunteer to serve as a slinger at his appointed post, it may be that men will come forward who will be capable of helping us. Again, I observe that there are horses in the army – a few at my own quarters, others that made part of Clearchus’ troop and were left behind, and many others that have been taken from the enemy and are used as pack animals. If, then, we should pick out all these horses, replacing them with mules, and should equip them for cavalry, it may be that this cavalry also will cause some annoyance to the enemy when they are in flight.” These proposals also were adopted, and in the course of that night a company of two hundred slingers was organized, while on the following day horses and horsemen to the number of fifty were examined and accepted, and jerkins and cuirasses were provided for them; and Lycius, the son of Polystratus, an Athenian, was put in command of the troop.

That day they remained quiet, but the next morning they set forth, after rising earlier than usual; for there was a gorge they had to cross, and they were afraid that the enemy might attack them as they were crossing. It was only after hey had crossed it, however, that Mithradates appeared again, accompanied by a thousand horsemen and about four thousand bowmen and slingers. For these were the numbers he had requested from Tissaphernes, and these numbers he had obtained upon his promise that, if such a force were given him, he would deliver the Greeks into Tissaphernes’ hands; for he had come to despise them, seeing that in his earlier attack with a small force he had done a great deal of harm, as he thought, without suffering any loss himself. When, accordingly, the Greeks were across the gorge and about eight stadia beyond it, Mithradates also proceeded to make the crossing with his troops. Now orders already had been given to such of the Greek peltasts and hoplites as were to pursue the enemy, and the horsemen have been directed to be bold in urging the pursuit, in the assurance that an adequate force would follow at their heels. As soon, then, as Mithradates had caught up, so that his sling-stones began to reach their marks, the trumpet gave its signal to the Greeks and on the instant the foot-soldiers who were under orders rushed upon the enemy and the horsemen charged; and the enemy did not await their attack, but fled towards the gorge. In this pursuit the barbarians had many of their infantry killed, while of their cavalry no less than eighteen were taken alive in the gorge. And the Greek troops, unbidden save by their own impulse (autokeleustoi), disfigured (éikisanto) the bodies of the dead, in order that the sight of them might inspire the utmost terror in the enemy (hós hoti phoberótaton tois polemiois eié horan).

Ater faring thus badly the enemy departed, while the Greeks continued their march unmolested through the remainder of the day and arrived at the Tigris river. Here was a large deserted city; its name was Larisa, and it was inhabited in ancient times by the Medes. Its wall was twenty-five feet in breadth and a hundred in hight, and the whole circuit of the wall was two parasangs. It was built of clay bricks, and rested upon a stone foundation twenty feet high. This city was besieged by the king of the Persians [Cyrus the Great] at the time when the Persians were seeking to wrest from the Medes their empire, but he could in no way capture it. A cloud, however, overspread the sun and hid it from sight until the inhabitants abandoned their city; and thus it was taken. Near by this city was a pyramid of stone, a plethrum in breadth and two plethra in hight; and upon this pyramid were many barbarians who had fled away from the neighbouring villages.

From this place they marched one stage, six parsangs, to a great stronghold, deserted, and lying in ruins. The name of this city was Mespila, and it was once inhabited by the Medes. The foundation of its wall was made of polished stone full of shells, and was fifty feet in breadth and hundred in hight; and the circuit of the wall was six parasangs. Here, as the story goes, Medea, the king’s wife [Astyages, the last king of Media], took refuge at the time when the Medes were deprived of their empire by the Persians. To this city also the king of the Persians laid siege, but he was unable to capture it either by the length of siege or by storm (ouk edunato oute chronói helein oute biai); Zeus, however, terrified the inhabitants with thunder, and thus the city was taken.

From this place they marched one stage, four parasangs. In the course of this stage Tissaphernes made his appearance, having under his command the cavalry which he had himself brought with him, the troops of Orontas, wo was married to the King’s daughter, the barbarians whom Cyrus had brought with him in his upward  march, and those with whom the King’s brother [the bastard brother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes]  had come to the aid of the King; beside these contingents Tissaphernes had all the troops that the King had given him; the result was, that this army appeared exceedingly large. When he got near the Greeks, he stationed some of his battalions in their rear and moved others into position on their flanks; then, although he could not muster up the courage to close with them and had no desire to risk a decisive battle, he ordered his men to discharge their slings and let fly their arrows. But when the Rhodian slingers and the bowmen, posted at intervals here and there, sent back an answering volley, and not a man among them missed the mark (for even if he had been eager to do so, it would not have been easy [‘on account of the dense throng of the enemy,’ notes Brownson, the translator], then Tissaphernes withdrew out of range with all speed, and the other battalions followed his example.

11 Xenophon’s Anabasis

After this Cheirisophus [a Spartan] said: “We all shall be able to consider presently whether we need to do anything else besides what Xenophon proposes, but on the proposals which he has already made I think it best for us to vote as speedily as possible. Whoever is in favour of these measures, let him raise his hand.” They all raised their hands.

Then Xenophon arose once more and said: “Give ear, gentlemen, to the further proposals I have to present. It is clear tat we must make our way to a place where we can get provisions; and I here that there are fine villages at a distance of not more than twenty stadia. We should not be surprised, then, if the enemy – after the fashion of cowardly dogs that chase passers-by and bite them, if they can, but run away from anyone who chases them – if the enemy in the same way should follow at our heels as we retire. Hence it will be safer, perhaps, for us to march with hoplites formed into a hollow square, so that the baggage train and the great crowd of camp followers may be in a safer place. If, then, it should be settled at once who are to lead the square and marshal the van, who are to be on either flank, and who to guard the rear, we should not be taking counsel at the time when the enemy comes upon us, but we should find our men at once in their places ready for action. Now if anyone sees another plan, which is better, let us follow that plan; but if not, I propose that Cheirisophus take the lead, especially since he is a Lacedaemonian [a Spartan], that the two oldest generals have charge of the two flanks, and that, for the present, we who are the youngest, command the rear. And for the future, as we make trial of this formation we can adopt whatever course may seem from time to time to be best. If anyone sees a better plan, let him present it.” No one having any opposing view to express, Xenophon said: “Whoever is in favour of these measures, let him raise his hand.” The motion was carried. “And now,” (Nun toinun) he continued (ephé), “we must go back [i.e. back to Greece] and put into execution what has been resolved upon (apiontas dei poiein ta dedogmena). And whoever among you desires to see his friends again, let him remember to show himself a brave man; for in no other way can he accomplish this desire. Again, whoever is desirous of saving his life, let him strive for victory; for it is the victors that slay and the defeated that are slain. Or if anyone longs for wealth, let him also strive to conquer; for conquerors not only keep their own possessions, but gain the possessions of the conquered.”

After these words of Xenophon’s the assembly arose, and all went back to camp and proceeded to burn the wagons and tents. As for the superfluous articles of baggage, whatever anybody needed they shared with one another, but the rest they threw into the fire. When they had done all this, they set about preparing breakfast; and while they were so engaged, Mithradates approached with about thirty horsemen, summoned the Greek generals within earshot, and spoke as follows: “Men of Greece, I was faithful to Cyrus, as you know for yourselves, and I am now friendly to you; indeed I am tarrying here in great fear. Therefore I should see that you were taking salutary measures, I should join you and take all my retainers with me. Tell me, then, what you have in mind, in the assurance that I am your friend and well-wisher, and am desirous of making the journey in company with you.” The generals held council and voted to return the following answer, Cheirisophus acting as spokesman: “It is our resolve, in case no one hinders our homeward march, to proceed through the country doing he least possible damage, but if anyone tries to prevent us from making the journey, to fight it out with him to the best of our power.” Thereupon Mithradates undertook to show that there was no possibility of their effecting a safe return unless the King so pleased. Then it became clear to the Greeks that his mission was a treacherous one; indeed, one of Tissaphernes’ relatives had followed along, to see that he kept faith. The generals consequently decided that it was best to pass a decree that there should be no negotiations with the enemy in this war as long as they should be in the enemy’s country. For the barbarians kept coming and tying to corrupt the soldiers; in the case of one captain, Nicarchus the Arcadian, they actually succeeded, and he decamped during the night, taking with him about twenty men.

After this they took breakfast, crossed the Zapatas river, and set out on the march in the formation decided upon, with the baggage animals and the camp followers in the middle of the square (ta hupozygia kai ton ochlon en mesói echontes). They had not proceeded far when Mithradates appeared again, accompanied by about two hundred horsemen and by bowmen and slingers – exceedingly active and nimble troops – to the number of four hundred. He approached the Greeks as if he were a friend, but when his party had got close at hand, on a sudden some of them, horse and foot alike, began shooting with their bows and others with slings, and they inflicted wounds. And the Greek rearguard, while suffering severely, could not retaliate at all; for the Cretan bowmen not only had a shorter range than the Persians, but besides, since they had no armour, they were shut in within the lines of the hoplites; and the Greek javelin-men could not throw far enough to reach the enemy slingers. Xenophon consequently decided that they must pursue the Persians, and this they did, with such of the hoplites and peltasts as were guarding the rear with him; but in their pursuit they failed to catch a single man of the enemy. For the Greeks had no horsemen, and their foot-soldiers were not able to overtake the enemy’s foot-soldiers – since the latter had a long start in their flight – within a short distance; and a long pursuit, far away of the main Greek army, was not possible. Again, the barbarian horsemen even while they were in flight would inflict wounds by shooting behind them from their horses; and whatever distance the Greeks might at any time cover in their pursuit, all that distance they were obliged to fall back in fighting. The result was that during the whole day they travelled not more than twenty five stadia. They did arrive, however, towards evening at the villages.

10 Xenophon’s Anabasis

“And when we find men who are ready to set the example of flight, it is far better to see them drawn up with the enemy than on our side.

“But if anyone of you is despondent because we are without horsemen while the enemy have plenty at hand, let him reflect that your ten thousand horsemen are nothing more than ten thousand men; for nobody ever lost his life in battle from the bite or a kick of a horse, but it is the men who do whatever is done in battles. Moreover, we are on a far surer foundation than your horsemen: they are hanging on their horses’ backs, afraid not only of us, but also of falling off; while we, standing upon the ground, shall strike with far greater force if anyone comes upon us and shall be far more likely to hit whomsoever we aim at. In one point alone your horsemen have the advantage – flight is safer for them than it is for us. Suppose, however, that you do not lack confidence about the fighting, but are troubled because you no longer to have Tissaphernes to guide you or the King to provide a market. If this be the case, I ask you to consider whether it is better to have Tissaphernes for a guide, the man who is manifestly plotting against us, or such people as we may ourselves capture and may order to serve as guides, men who will know that if they make any mistake in aught that concerns us, they will be making a mistake in that which concerns their own lives and limbs (peri tas heautón psuchas kai sómata hamartésontai). And as for provisions, is it the better plan to buy from the market which these barbarians have provided – small measures for high prices, when we have no money left, either – or to appropriate for ourselves, in case we are victorious, and to use as large a measure as each of us pleases?

“But in these points, let us say, you realize that our present situation is better; you believe, however, that the rivers are a difficulty, and you think you are immensely deceived when you crossed them; then consider whether this is not a surpassingly foolish thing that the barbarians have done. For all rivers, even though they are impassable at a distance from their sources, become passable, without even wetting your knees, as you approach toward the sources.

“But assume that the rivers will not afford us a crossing and that we shall find no one to guide us; even in that case we ought not to be despondent. For we know that the Mysians [Peoples of Asia Minor who were in almost constant rebellion against Persian authority, notes Brownson, the translator], whom we should not admit to be better men than ourselves, inhabit many large and prosperous cities (poleis) in the King’s territory, we know that the same is true of the Pisidians, and as for the Lycaonians we even saw with our own eyes that they have seized the strongholds in the plains and were keeping for themselves the lands of these Persians; so, in our case, my own view would be that we ought not yet to be seen that we have set out for home; we ought, rather,  to be making our arrangements as if we intended to settle here. For I know that to the Mysians the King would not only give plenty of guides, but plenty of hostages, to guarantee a safe conduct for them, even if they wanted to take their departure in four-horse chariots. And I know that he would be thrice glad to do the same for us, if he saw that we were preparing to stay here. I really fear, however, that if we once learn to live in idleness and luxury, and to consort with the tall and beautiful women and maidens of these Medes and Persians, we may, like the lotus-eaters, forget our homeward way. Therefore, I think it is right and proper that our first endeavour should be to return to our kindred and friends in Greece, and to point out to the Greeks that it is by their own choice that they are poor; for they could bring here the people who are now living a hard life at home, and could see them in enjoyment of riches.

“It is really a plain fact, gentlemen, that all these good things belong to those who have the strength to possess them; but I must go on to another point, how we can march most safely and, if we have to fight, can fight to the best advantage. In the first place, the,” Xenophon proceeded, “I think we should burn up the wagons which we have, so that our cattle may not be our captains, but we can take whatever route may be best for the army. Secondly, we should burn our tents also; for these, again, are a bother to carry, and no help at all either for fighting or for obtaining provisions. Furthermore, let us abandon all our other superfluous baggage, keeping only such articles as we use for war, or in eating and drinking, in order that we may have the largest possible number of men under arms and the least number carrying baggage. For when men are conquered, you are aware that all their possessions become the property of others; but if we are victorious, we may regard the enemy as our pack-bearers.

“It remains for me to mention the one matter which I believe is really of the greatest importance. You observe that our enemies did not muster up courage to begin hostilities against us until they had seized our generals; for they believed that so long as we had our commanders and were obedient to them, we were able to worst them in war, but when they got possession of our commanders, they believed that the want of leadership and of discipline would be the ruin of us. Therefore our present commanders must show themselves far more vigilant than their predecessors, and the men in the ranks must be far more orderly and more obedient to their commanders now than they used to be. We must pass a vote that, in case anyone is disobedient, whoever of you may be at hand at the time shall join with the officer in punishing him; in this way the enemy will find themselves mightily deceived; for to-day they will behold, not one Clearchus [‘Clearchus was notoriously a stern disciplinarian,’ noted Brownson, the translator], but ten thousand, who will not suffer anybody to be a bad soldier. But it is time now to be acting instead of talking; for perhaps the enemy will soon be at hand. Whoever, then, thinks that these proposals are good should ratify them with all speed, that they may be carried out in action. But if any other plan is thought better than mine, let anyone, even though he be a private soldier, feel free to present it; for the safety of all is the need of all.”

9 Xenophon’s Anabasis

These ceremonies duly performed, Xenophon began again with these words:

“I was saying that we have many fair hopes of deliverance. For, in the first place, we are standing true to the oaths we took in the name of the gods, while our enemies have perjured themselves, and, in violation of their oaths, have broken the truce. This being so (houtó d‘ echontón), it is fair to assume (eikos) that the gods are their foes (tois men polemiois enantious einai tous theous) and our allies (hémin de summachous) – and the gods are able speedily to make the strong week (hoiper hikanoi eisi kai tous megalous tachu mikrous poiein) and, when they so will, easily to deliver the week, even though they be in dire perils (kai tous mikrous k’an en deinois ósi sóizein eupetós, hotan boulóntai). Secondly, I would remind you of the perils of our own forefathers, to show you not only that it is your right to be brave men, but that brave men are delivered, with the help of the gods, even out of most dreadful dangers. For when the Persians and their followers came with a vast array to blot Athens out of existence, the Athenians dared, unaided, to withstand them, and won the victory [in the battle of Marathon, 490 B.C.]. And while they had vowed to Artemis that for every man they might slay of the enemy they would sacrifice a goat to the goddess, they were unable to find goats enough {according to Herodotus (vi 117) the Persian dead numbered 6,400]; so they resolved to offer 500 a year, and this sacrifice they are paying even to this day. Again, when Xerxes at a later time gathered together that countless host [Herodotus (vi.185) puts the whole number of fighting men in Xerxes’ armament at 2,641,610] and came ag9 Xenophon’s Anabasis

These ceremonies duly performed, Xenophon began again with these words:

“I was saying that we have many fair hopes of deliverance. For, in the first place, we are standing true to the oaths we took in the name of the gods, while our enemies have perjured themselves, and, in violation of their oaths, have broken the truce. This being so (houtó d‘ echontón), it is fair to assume (eikos) that the gods are their foes (tois men polemiois enantious einai tous theous) and our allies (hémin de summachous) – and the gods are able speedily to make the strong week (hoiper hikanoi eisi kai tous megalous tachu mikrous poiein) and, when they so will, easily to deliver the week, even though they be in dire perils (kai tous mikrous k’an en deinois ósi sóizein eupetós, hotan boulóntai). Secondly, I would remind you of the perils of our own forefathers, to show you not only that it is your right to be brave men, but that brave men are delivered, with the help of the gods, even out of most dreadful dangers. For when the Persians and their followers came with a vast array to blot Athens out of existence, the Athenians dared, unaided, to withstand them, and won the victory [in the battle of Marathon, 490 B.C.]. And while they had vowed to Artemis that for every man they might slay of the enemy they would sacrifice a goat to the goddess, they were unable to find goats enough {according to Herodotus (vi 117) the Persian dead numbered 6,400]; so they resolved to offer 500 a year, and this sacrifice they are paying even to this day. Again, when Xerxes at a later time gathered together that countless host [Herodotus (vi.185) puts the whole number of fighting men in Xerxes’ armament at 2,641,610] and came against Greece, then too our forefathers were victorious, both by land and by sea [by sea at Salamis (480 B.C. and at Plataea (479 B.C.)], over the forefathers of our enemies. As tokens of these victories we may, indeed, still behold the trophies, but the strongest witness to them is the freedom of the states (hé eleutheria tón poleón) in which you were born and bred; for to no human creature do you pay homage as master, but to the gods alone. It is from such ancestors, then, that you are sprung.

“Now I am far from intending to say that you disgrace them; in fact not many days ago you set yourself in array against these descendants of those ancient Persians and were victorious, with the aid of the gods, over many times your own numbers. And then, mark you (kai tote men dé), it was in Cyrus’ contest for the throne that you proved themselves brave men; but now, when the struggle is for your own safety, it is surely fitting that you should be far braver and more zealous. Furthermore, you ought now to be more confident in facing the enemy. For then you were unacquainted with them, you saw that their numbers were beyond counting (to de pléthos ametron horóntes), and you nevertheless dared, with all the spirit of your fathers, to charge upon them; but now, when you have already made actual trial of them and find that they have no desire, even though they are many times your number, to await your attack, what reason can remain for your being afraid of them?

“Again, do not suppose that you are the worse off because the followers of Ariaeus, who were formerly marshalled with us, have now deserted us. For they are even greater cowards than the men we defeated; at any rate they took to flight before them, leaving us to shift for ourselves.

***

Concerning Ariaeus’ flight Brownson refers to IX.31-X.1-3: ‘When Cyrus died, all his bodyguard of friends and table companions died fighting in his defence, with the exception of Ariaeus; he, it chanced, was stationed on the left wing at the h9 Xenophon’s Anabasis

These ceremonies duly performed, Xenophon began again with these words:

“I was saying that we have many fair hopes of deliverance. For, in the first place, we are standing true to the oaths we took in the name of the gods, while our enemies have perjured themselves, and, in violation of their oaths, have broken the truce. This being so (houtó d‘ echontón), it is fair to assume (eikos) that the gods are their foes (tois men polemiois enantious einai tous theous) and our allies (hémin de summachous) – and the gods are able speedily to make the strong week (hoiper hikanoi eisi kai tous megalous tachu mikrous poiein) and, when they so will, easily to deliver the week, even though they be in dire perils (kai tous mikrous k’an en deinois ósi sóizein eupetós, hotan boulóntai). Secondly, I would remind you of the perils of our own forefathers, to show you not only that it is your right to be brave men, but that brave men are delivered, with the help of the gods, even out of most dreadful dangers. For when the Persians and their followers came with a vast array to blot Athens out of existence, the Athenians dared, unaided, to withstand them, and won the victory [in the battle of Marathon, 490 B.C.]. And while they had vowed to Artemis that for every man they might slay of the enemy they would sacrifice a goat to the goddess, they were unable to find goats enough {according to Herodotus (vi 117) the Persian dead numbered 6,400]; so they resolved to offer 500 a year, and this sacrifice they are paying even to this day. Again, when Xerxes at a later time gathered together that countless host [Herodotus (vi.185) puts the whole number of fighting men in Xerxes’ armament at 2,641,610] and came against Greece, then too our forefathers were victorious, both by land and by sea [by sea at Salamis (480 B.C. and at Plataea (479 B.C.)], over the forefathers of our enemies. As tokens of these victories we may, indeed, still behold the trophies, but the strongest witness to them is the freedom of the states (hé eleutheria tón poleón) in which you were born and bred; for to no human creature do you pay homage as master, but to the gods alone. It is from such ancestors, then, that you are sprung.

“Now I am far from intending to say that you disgrace them; in fact not many days ago you set yourself in array against these descendants of those ancient Persians and were victorious, with the aid of the gods, over many times your own numbers. And then, mark you (kai tote men dé), it was in Cyrus’ contest for the throne that you proved themselves brave men; but now, when the struggle is for your own safety, it is surely fitting that you should be far braver and more zealous. Furthermore, you ought now to be more confident in facing the enemy. For then you were unacquainted with them, you saw that their numbers were beyond counting (to de pléthos ametron horóntes), and you nevertheless dared, with all the spirit of your fathers, to charge upon them; but now, when you have already made actual trial of them and find that they have no desire, even though they are many times your number, to await your attack, what reason can remain for your being afraid of them?

“Again, do not suppose that you are the worse off because the followers of Ariaeus, who were formerly marshalled with us, have now deserted us. For they are even greater cowards than the men we defeated; at any rate they took to flight before them, leaving us to shift for ourselves.

***

Concerning Ariaeus’ flight Brownson refers to IX.31-X.1-3: ‘When Cyrus died, all his bodyguard of friends and table companions died fighting in his defence, with the exception of Ariaeus; he, it chanced, was stationed on the left wing at the head of the cavalry, and when he learned that Cyrus had fallen, he took to flight with the whole army that he commanded.

Then the head of Cyrus and his right hand were cut off. But the King pursuing Ariaeus, burst into the camp of Cyrus; and Ariaeus and his men no longer stood their ground, but fled through their own camp to the stopping-place from which they had set out that morning. So the King and his troops proceeded to secure plunder of various sorts in abundance, while in particular he captured the Phocaean woman, Cyrus’ concubine, who, by all accounts, was clever and beautiful. The Milesian woman, however, the younger one, after being seized by the King’s men made her escape, lightly clad, to some Greeks who had chanced standing guard amid the baggage train and, forming themselves in line against the enemy, had killed many of the plunderers, although some of their own numbers had been killed also; nevertheless, they did not take to flight, but they saved this woman and, furthermore, whatever else came within their lines, whether persons or property, they saved all alike.’ead of the cavalry, and when he learned that Cyrus had fallen, he took to flight with the whole army that he commanded.

Then the head of Cyrus and his right hand were cut off. But the King pursuing Ariaeus, burst into the camp of Cyrus; and Ariaeus and his men no longer stood their ground, but fled through their own camp to the stopping-place from which they had set out that morning. So the King and his troops proceeded to secure plunder of various sorts in abundance, while in particular he captured the Phocaean woman, Cyrus’ concubine, who, by all accounts, was clever and beautiful. The Milesian woman, however, the younger one, after being seized by the King’s men made her escape, lightly clad, to some Greeks who had chanced standing guard amid the baggage train and, forming themselves in line against the enemy, had killed many of the plunderers, although some of their own numbers had been killed also; nevertheless, they did not take to flight, but they saved this woman and, furthermore, whatever else came within their lines, whether persons or property, they saved all alike.’ainst Greece, then too our forefathers were victorious, both by land and by sea [by sea at Salamis (480 B.C. and at Plataea (479 B.C.)], over the forefathers of our enemies. As tokens of these victories we may, indeed, still behold the trophies, but the strongest witness to them is the freedom of the states (hé eleutheria tón poleón) in which you were born and bred; for to no human creature do you pay homage as master, but to the gods alone. It is from such ancestors, then, that you are sprung.

“Now I am far from intending to say that you disgrace them; in fact not many days ago you set yourself in array against these descendants of those ancient Persians and were victorious, with the aid of the gods, over many times your own numbers. And then, mark you (kai tote men dé), it was in Cyrus’ contest for the throne that you proved themselves brave men; but now, when the struggle is for your own safety, it is surely fitting that you should be far braver and more zealous. Furthermore, you ought now to be more confident in facing the enemy. For then you were unacquainted with them, you saw that their numbers were beyond counting (to de pléthos ametron horóntes), and you nevertheless dared, with all the spirit of your fathers, to charge upon them; but now, when you have already made actual trial of them and find that they have no desire, even though they are many times your number, to await your attack, what reason can remain for your being afraid of them?

“Again, do not suppose that you are the worse off because the followers of Ariaeus, who were formerly marshalled with us, have now deserted us. For they are even greater cowards than the men we defeated; at any rate they took to flight before them, leaving us to shift for ourselves.

***

Concerning Ariaeus’ flight Brownson refers to IX.31-X.1-3: ‘When Cyrus died, all his bodyguard of friends and table companions died fighting in his defence, with the exception of Ariaeus; he, it chanced, was stationed on the left wing at the head of the cavalry, and when he learned that Cyrus had fallen, he took to flight with the whole army that he commanded.

Then the head of Cyrus and his right hand were cut off. But the King pursuing Ariaeus, burst into the camp of Cyrus; and Ariaeus and his men no longer stood their ground, but fled through their own camp to the stopping-place from which they had set out that morning. So the King and his troops proceeded to secure plunder of various sorts in abundance, while in particular he captured the Phocaean woman, Cyrus’ concubine, who, by all accounts, was clever and beautiful. The Milesian woman, however, the younger one, after being seized by the King’s men made her escape, lightly clad, to some Greeks who had chanced standing guard amid the baggage train and, forming themselves in line against the enemy, had killed many of the plunderers, although some of their own numbers had been killed also; nevertheless, they did not take to flight, but they saved this woman and, furthermore, whatever else came within their lines, whether persons or property, they saved all alike.’